Skip to main content

Condition of Muslims in India, Gujarat worse than other communities: Data

By Jag Jivan  
A recent Gujarat government affidavit says that as non-Muslim minorities’ plight was not considered by the Sachar Committee, it is “unconstitutional”. First, this is factually incorrect. And secondly, latest data suggest Muslims in India generally fall in the category of backward sections of population, and other minorities are much better off. 
In a recent affidavit to the Supreme Court, the Gujarat government has said that “the Sachar Committee is neither constitutional nor statutory.” Explaining its position, it insisted, the committee “has not taken into consideration other religious communities, i.e. Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists and Parsis. Therefore, it cannot form the basis of the scheme.” It added, “The committee’s target was to help the Muslims only.” The affidavit was the Gujarat government’s response to the Government of India’s (GoI’s) stand on Gujarat’s refusal to implement the pre-matriculation minority scholarship scheme. Gujarat moved the apex court against Gujarat High Court verdict ratifying the scholarship scheme meant for students belonging to five religious minorities, including Muslims.
From whatever has come in the media, it is clear that the Gujarat government affidavit (click HERE to read the report) is factually flawed for several reasons. First of all, while the Sachar Committee report title is “Social, Economic and Educational Status of Muslim Community in India”, it analyses the condition of Muslims vis-à-vis not just the Hindus, Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) but also vis-à-vis other minority religious groups such as Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Parsis. In fact, even a cursory glance of the report suggests that its analysis is based on the condition of Muslims vis-à-vis STs/SCs, Other Hindus and “Others”, who include the non-Muslim religious minority groups.
In fact, the Sachar Committee compares each of the four categories – SC/ST, Other Hindus, Muslims and Others – even as banking heavily on available data on poverty, education, health, employment, access to credit, access to physical infrastructure, and so on. At certain places, it provides data for individual religious groups also, especially Christians and Sikhs. Both the Sachar Committee report as well as more recent data, made available in the 66th round National Sample Survey (NSS) reports provide, enough data to suggest why Muslims as minorities are more vulnerable than other minority communities and require a special treatment.
Take, for instance, incidence of poverty. In the Sachar Committee report, urban poverty, calculated on the basis of the NSS’ 61st round is found to be 38.4 per cent among Muslims, as against 36.4 per cent among SCs/STs, 25.1 per cent among OBCs, 8.3 per cent among general category Muslims, and a mere 12.2 per cent among religious minorities other than Muslims. As for rural poverty, the trend is found to be almost similar: it is 26.9 per cent among Muslims, as against 34.8 per cent among SCs/STs, 19.5 per cent among OBCs, nine per cent among general category Hindus, and 14.3 per cent among minorities other than Muslims.
The trend is not very different for Gujarat, where urban poverty among Muslims is found to be 24 per cent, as against 17 per cent among SCs/STs, 18 per cent among OBCs, a mere three per cent among general category Hindus, and zero (0) among minorities other than Muslims. In the rural areas the situation is better for Muslims than in the urban areas with seven per cent poor, as against 24 per cent among SCs/STs, 14 per cent among OBCs, three per cent among general category Hindus, and six per cent among minorities other than Muslims.
Based on these data, the Sachar Committee report says, “Muslims face fairly high levels of poverty. Their conditions on the whole are only slightly better than those of SCs/STs. As compared to rural areas, Muslims face much higher relative deprivation in urban areas. Over time changes in poverty levels also show that the economic conditions of Muslims in urban areas have not improved as much as the other socio-economic communities.” It adds, “While there are variations in the conditions of Muslims across states, the situation of the community in urban seems to be particularly bad in relative terms in almost all states except Kerala, Assam, Tamil Nadu, Orissa, Himachal Pradesh and Punjab. Their relative situation in rural areas is somewhat better but here again in most states poverty levels among Muslims are higher than all socio-religious communities, except SCs and STs.”
The NSS’ 66th round reports, put out in 2012-13 (based on 2009-10 survey), throw more light on this. The Muslims’ average monthly per capita expenditure (MPCE), which experts consider the basis of suggesting purchasing power of a population group, is found to be Rs 833 in rural India and Rs 1,272 in urban India. As compared to that, the figure for Hindus (all) is found to be Rs 888 in rural India and Rs 1,797 in urban India. Among Christians it is Rs 1,296 and Rs 2,053, respectively, and among Sikhs it is Rs 1,498 and Rs 2,180 respectively. Muslims’ MPCE, in fact, is found to be lower than STs, SCs and OBCs both in rural and urban areas. In rural India, for STs, it is Rs 873, for SCs Rs 979, and for OBCs Rs 1,281. In urban India, it is Rs 1,797 for STs, 1,444 among SCs and Rs 1,979 among OBCs.

While separate data of ratio of poverty among religious groups are not available in any of the NSS reports, social indicators suggest that Muslims are generally in the category of backward sections, including STs and SCs, of Hindu population. However, a recent study, by Dr Tanweer Fazal (“Millennium Development Goals and Muslims of India”, Oxfam India, 2013) has said that between 2004-05 and 2009-10, in urban areas, “poverty decline has been the slowest among Muslims (3.1 per cent per annum).” It adds, “In the rural areas, 26.2 per cent of all Muslims fall in the poorest quintile, whereas 25.6 of the non-Muslim OBCs and 34.2 of the SCs/STs fall in the same bracket of consumption expenditure”. As for Christians and Sikhs, the NSS has found that they are in a better position than both Hindus and Muslims.
The NSS report “Employment and Unemployment Situation among Major Religious Groups in India”, released in June 2013, provides data for the current attendance rates in educational institutions, i.e. the number of persons attending any educational institution per 1000 persons, which it says gives an idea of the “quality of human capital for the future workforce”. In the age-group 5-14, the attendance rate among rural Muslim males was 84.0 per cent, as against 87.5 per cent among Hindus (all), 94.9 per cent among Christians and 92.7 per cent among Sikhs. Among rural Muslim females, the attendance rate was found to be 77 per cent, as against 85.1 per cent Hindus (all), 94.1 per cent among Christians and 84.6 per cent among Sikhs.

As for the urban areas, the trend in attendance rate in the educational institutions in this age group is not found to be very different. Among males, it is 86.0 per cent among Muslims, as against Hindus’ 92.2 per cent, Christians’ 96.0 per cent, and Sikhs’ 92.2 per cent. As for females, it is 85.3 per cent among Muslims, as against 92.2 per cent among Hindus, 95.9 per cent among Christians and 84.5 per cent among Sikhs. Referring to yet another category – level of education among workers – the NSS suggests that Muslims are worse off than other religious groups. It says, “Among urban males, proportion of workers with level of education secondary and above was 58 per cent each for Christians and Sikhs whereas those were 56 per cent and 30 per cent, respectively, for Hindus and Muslims.”

An earlier analysis had pointed towards the fact that, in Gujarat, things are worse for Muslims. Quoting NSS report, it says, “The report finds 81.4 per cent attendance rate of Hindu children of the age group 5-14 in Gujarat’s educational institutes. This is against 78.7 per cent rate of attendance in the same age group among Muslims. What is more distressing is that the attendance rate of Muslim children in Gujarat is found to be one of the worst in India – with only three states performing poorer that Gujarat – Bihar (74.6 per cent), Rajasthan (73.2 per cent) and Uttar Pradesh (73.2 per cent). The report reveals that the all-India average of Muslim attendance rate in educational institutes in this age group is 82.3 per cent, higher by nearly four percentage points.”


Comments

TRENDING

The golden crop: How turmeric is transforming women's lives in tribal India

By Vikas Meshram*   When the lush green fields of turmeric sway in the tribal belt of southern Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat, it is not merely a spice crop — it is the golden glow of self-reliance. In villages where even basic spices once had to be bought from the market, the very soil today is yielding a prosperity that has transformed the lives of thousands of families. At the heart of this transformation is the initiative of Vaagdhara, which has linked turmeric with livelihoods, nutrition, and village self-governance — gram swaraj.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Love letters in a lifelong war: Babusha Kohli’s resistance in verse

By Ravi Ranjan*  “War does not determine who is right—only who is left.” Bertrand Russell’s words echo hauntingly in our times, and few contemporary Hindi poets embody this truth as profoundly as Babusha Kohli. Emerging from Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh, Kohli has carved a unique space in literature by weaving together tenderness, protest, and philosophy across poetry, prose, and cinema. Her work is not merely artistic expression—it is resistance, refuge, and a call for peace.

Authoritarian destruction of the public sphere in Ecuador: Trumpism in action?

By Pilar Troya Fernández  The situation in Ecuador under Daniel Noboa's government is one of authoritarianism advancing on several fronts simultaneously to consolidate neoliberalism and total submission to the US international agenda. These are not isolated measures, but rather a coordinated strategy that combines job insecurity, the dismantling of the welfare state, unrestricted access to mining, the continuation of oil exploitation without environmental considerations, the centralization of power through the financial suffocation of local governments, and the systematic criminalization of all forms of opposition and popular organization.

Echoes of Vietnam and Chile: The devastating cost of the I-A Axis in Iran

​ By Ram Puniyani  ​The recent joint military actions by Israel and the United States against Iran have been devastating. Like all wars, this conflict is brutal to its core, leaving a trail of human suffering in its wake. The stated pretext for this aggression—the brutality of the Ayatollah Khamenei regime and its nuclear ambitions—clashes sharply with the reality of the diplomatic landscape. Iran had expressed a willingness to remain at the negotiating table, signaling a readiness to concede points emerging from dialogue. 

Buddhist shrines were 'massively destroyed' by Brahmanical rulers: Historian DN Jha

Nalanda mahavihara By Rajiv Shah  Prominent historian DN Jha, an expert in India's ancient and medieval past, in his new book , "Against the Grain: Notes on Identity, Intolerance and History", in a sharp critique of "Hindutva ideologues", who look at the ancient period of Indian history as "a golden age marked by social harmony, devoid of any religious violence", has said, "Demolition and desecration of rival religious establishments, and the appropriation of their idols, was not uncommon in India before the advent of Islam".

False claim? What Venezuela is witnessing is not surrender but a tactical retreat

By Manolo De Los Santos  The early morning hours of January 3, 2026, marked an inflection point in Venezuela and Latin America’s centuries-long struggle for self-determination and independence. Operation Absolute Resolve, ordered by the Trump administration, constituted the most brutal and direct military assault on a sovereign state in the region in recent memory. In a shocking operation that left hundreds dead, President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores were illegally kidnapped from Venezuelan soil and transported to the United States, where they now face fabricated charges in a New York federal detention facility. In the two months since this act of war, a torrent of speculation has emerged from so-called experts and pundits across the political spectrum. This has followed three main lines: One . The operation’s success indicated treason at the highest levels of the Bolivarian Revolution. Two . Acting President Delcy Rodríguez and the remaining leadership have abandone...

The selective memory of a violent city: Uttam Nagar and the invisible victims of Delhi

By Sunil Kumar*  Hundreds of murders take place in Delhi every year, yet only a few incidents become topics of nationwide discussion. The question is: why does this happen? Today, the incident in Uttam Nagar has become the centre of national debate. A 26-year-old man, Tarun Kumar, was killed following a dispute that reportedly began after a balloon hit a small child. In several colonies of Delhi, slogans such as “Jai Shri Ram” and “Vande Mataram” are being raised while demanding the death penalty for Tarun’s killers. As a result, nearly 50,000 residents of Hastsal JJ Colony are now living in what resembles a state of confinement. 

The price of silence: Why Modi won’t follow Shastri, appeal for sacrifice

By Arundhati Dhuru, Sandeep Pandey*  ​In 1965, as India grappled with war and a crippling food crisis, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri faced a United States that used wheat shipments under the PL-480 agreement as a lever to dictate Indian foreign policy. Shastri’s response remains legendary: he appealed to the nation to skip one meal a day. Millions of middle-class households complied, choosing temporary hunger over the sacrifice of national dignity. Today, India faces a modern equivalent in the energy sector, yet the leadership’s response stands in stark contrast to that era of self-reliance.