Skip to main content

Jungle Raj versus government job bonanza in Bihar elections

By Raj Kumar Sinha* 
In Bihar’s politics, the triangle of crime, caste, and power has long played a decisive role. The term “Jungle Raj” was first used in 1997, but its meaning at that time was entirely different from its current political connotation. It originated when Lalu Prasad Yadav, embroiled in the fodder scam, resigned as Chief Minister and Rabri Devi took oath in his place. During a hearing on a petition related to waterlogging and poor drainage in Patna, the Patna High Court made an oral remark that “the condition of Patna is worse than a Jungle Raj.” 
Opposition parties quickly adopted “Jungle Raj” as a political weapon, especially to target the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) government. RJD and its supporters, however, describe it as the outcome of the process of social justice and empowerment of the marginalized, which the “dominant classes” sought to malign by labeling it as “Jungle Raj.”
Between the 1970s and 1980s, Bihar went through intense social and political upheaval. Land struggles, caste violence, and economic inequality gave rise to several criminal groups. After 1990, with the rise of social justice politics, backward and Dalit groups came to power, but this period also saw the strengthening of the crime-politics nexus. Over time, the line separating politics and crime in Bihar became increasingly blurred. “Strongman” candidates began to win elections through caste-based support and money power. The concept of crime and “Jungle Raj” in Bihar’s politics is not merely about law and order; it represents a complex story of social transformation, class conflict, and political ideology. The challenge for the future lies in maintaining a balance between social justice, good governance, and security so that both democracy’s credibility and public trust remain strong.
The politics of social justice in Bihar changed political representation but accountability and transparency in governance remained weak. In today’s elections, voters are not limited to caste identity alone—they are also considering issues like employment, education, law and order, and corruption. Nearly 60 percent of Bihar’s population is below 35 years of age, meaning that the youth play a decisive role in the state’s politics. Today’s young generation demands not just caste-based slogans or traditional appeals but concrete guarantees of jobs, education, opportunities, and good governance. Bihar continues to be among India’s poorest states, with 33.76 percent of its population below the poverty line. According to the Economic Survey 2023–24 presented in the state assembly, Bihar’s unemployment rate stands at 4.3 percent—0.9 percent higher than the national average of 3.4 percent. The state also leads in the number of migrant workers moving to other parts of India.
This time, employment once again lies at the heart of Bihar’s elections, and opposition leader Tejashwi Yadav has made it the central theme of his campaign. The promise of “government jobs” has become a hallmark of his politics, directly resonating with the emotions of the state’s youth. The question, however, is whether this promise will translate into public trust this time.
In the current elections, Tejashwi Yadav has again promised government jobs to attract the youth. The issue carries not only emotional weight but also practical significance in Bihar’s politics. Every year, lakhs of young people spend years preparing for competitive exams, but the recruitment process is often long and plagued by corruption. Many recruitment drives in recent years have been stalled or landed in court. In such a climate, the promise of “jobs” connects directly with the aspirations and frustrations of the youth. During the 2020 assembly elections, Tejashwi Yadav had promised 1 million government jobs, generating massive enthusiasm among young voters. In the 2025 elections, he has once again made employment the central agenda.
Tejashwi Yadav’s promise of government jobs is a politically powerful issue among Bihar’s youth, but its success will depend on whether he can present it as a credible, financially feasible, and time-bound plan. If he succeeds, this promise could indeed become a game-changer in the Bihar elections. Today’s youth no longer want promises—they want results. The leader who understands this difference will be the one to reach the throne of Patna.
---
*Bargi Dam Displaced and Affected Association

Comments

TRENDING

When democracy becomes a performance: The Tibetan exile experience

By Tseten Lhundup*  I was born in Bylakuppe, one of the largest Tibetan settlements in southern India. From childhood, I grew up in simple barracks, along muddy roads, and in fields with limited resources. Over the years, I have watched our democratic system slowly erode. Observing the recent budget session of the 17th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, these “democratic procedures” appear grand and orderly on the surface, yet in reality they amount to little more than empty formalities. The parliamentarians seem largely disconnected from the everyday struggles faced by ordinary exiled Tibetans like us.

Fair prices, fresh produce: Vegetable market opens in Rajasthan tribal village

By Vikas Meshram*  On 18 March 2026, the tribal village of Sajjangarh in southern Rajasthan witnessed the grand and dignified inauguration of a new vegetable market (mandi). Established through the tireless joint efforts of the Krushi Avam Adivasi Swaraj Sangathan (Bhilkuaan) and Vaagdhara, under the active leadership of the Gram Panchayat of Sajjangarh, the market is being hailed as a cornerstone for local self-governance, self-reliance, and a sustainable rural economy. 

Study links sanctions to 500,000 deaths annually leading to rise in global backlash

By Bharat Dogra  International opinion is increasingly turning against the expanding burden of sanctions imposed on a growing number of countries. These measures are contributing to humanitarian crises, intensifying domestic discord, and heightening international tensions, thereby increasing the risks of conflicts and wars. 

Ex-IAS Atanu Chakraborty and a tale of two different Gujarat vision documents

By Rajiv Shah  The likely appointment of Atanu Chakraborty as HDFC Bank chairman interested me for several reasons, but above all because I have interacted with him closely during my more than 14 year stint in Gandhinagar for the “Times of India”. One of the few decent Gujarat cadre bureaucrats, Chakraborty, belonging to the 1985 IAS batch, at least till I covered Sachivalaya was surely above controversies. He loved to remain faceless, never desired publicity, was professional to the core, and never indulged in loose talk. When he neared retirement, which happened in April 2020, first there were rumours in Sachivalaya that he would be appointed SEBI chairman, and then there was talk he would be chairman (or was it CEO?) of Gujarat International Finance Tec (GIFT) City (a dream project of Narendra Modi as Gujarat chief minister, which as Prime Minister Modi wants to promote, come what may). But, for some strange reasons, and I don’t know why, none of this happened, despite the fact...

Weaponised bravery, institutionalised cowardice as the engine of authoritarianism

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak*  The insidious politics of crony capitalism is accelerating at an unprecedented pace, aided by the reckless expansion of artificial intelligence and other technologies designed not to liberate but to dominate, domesticate, and dehumanise societies. Alongside this, an illiberal politics of cowardice is emerging—serving as an accomplice to dehumanisation amid growing imperialist wars and conflicts across the world. Death in distant lands no longer stirs conscience. The push-button culture of digital screens has transformed social media into a disconnected, individualised, Hobbesian space, where the puritan pursuit of self-interest is elevated as the essence of human existence.  

Moon missions and manholes: Development's drumbeat drowns out deaths in sewers

By Vikas Meshram*  We proudly narrate the story of our nation’s progress. On every platform, we speak of the success of Chandrayaan , Digital India , and our rapidly growing economy. But behind this radiant picture lies a darkness—the world of sanitation workers who descend into sewers, risking their lives. This darkness is not confined to the drains alone; it runs deep within the conscience of our society.

Witnessing Iran beyond propaganda: Truth, war, and the path beyond western paradigm

By Naile Manjarrés  On June 23, 2025—marked as the 2nd of Tir, 1404, on the Persian calendar—a ceasefire between Iran and Israel was announced. This "night of the decree" shifted the trajectory of global affairs; although the world may appear unchanged on the surface, we have yet to fully grasp its impact.

​Best left-handed cricket XI of all-time: Could it beat an all-time right-hander XI?

By Harsh Thakor*  ​This is my all-time left-handers Test XI. It could arguably give an all-time right-handers XI a strong run for its money, boasting the likes of Garry Sobers, Brian Lara, Wasim Akram, and Adam Gilchrist.

Dhurandhar: The Revenge — Blurring the line between fiction and political narrative

By Mohd. Ziyaullah Khan*  "Dhurandhar: The Revenge" does not wait to be remembered; it arrives almost on the heels of its predecessor, released on March 19, 2026, just months after the first film’s December 2025 debut. The speed of its arrival feels less like creative urgency and more like calculated timing—cinema responding not to storytelling rhythm but to the emotional climate of its audience. Director Aditya Dhar, along with actor Yami Gautam, appears acutely aware of this moment and how to harness it.