I was urged by a close relative, considered across my family as a binding force, to attend a grand ceremony on Martyrs' Day, March 23, along with four other relatives. The event, called Veeranjali (homage to martyrs), was to be held in an open space near Sanand town, about 15 kilometers from Ahmedabad. Martyrs' Day has been observed across India since independence, as it was on this day in 1931 that Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, and Rajguru were executed.
At the Sanand site, I was informed that, apart from the relatives of these three great martyrs, my maternal uncle, Vinod Kinariwala, would also be commemorated, and the five of us would be felicitated. Martyred on August 9, 1942, during a Quit India demonstration that was fired upon by British sepoys, Vinod Mama, as I call him, was very close to my mother, Vanlila Kinariwala (Shah after marriage)—his elder sister—who was also a freedom fighter and a passionate artist.
I reluctantly agreed to attend, as the organizers—whom I later discovered were all affiliated with the BJP—had arranged a car to take me to Sanand, where a multi-media show had been planned to honor the martyrs. The driver arrived promptly at 6 PM, two hours before the program was scheduled to begin.
Steering his way from my residence via Juhapura, a large minority suburb, he remarked that, since it was nearing Iftar time, there was a lot of rush on the road. "You can't talk to them... It's Pakistan," he murmured, even as I noticed a small BJP flag placed inside the car’s front glass.
The journalist in me became curious. A poster image that someone had sent from Sanand featured only Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, and Rajguru, making it unclear that the event was BJP-supported. Upon arrival, we were greeted with chants of "Bharat Mata Ki Jai" and were showered with flower petals.
We were then taken to a farmhouse called Muni Ashram, near the site of the multi-media show. After a sumptuous dinner, we were driven to the venue. The person accompanying us, who seemed to be one of the organizers, was asked who was funding such a large event, which was expected to draw over 40,000 people. Looking slightly puzzled, he replied, "It's all voluntary. We all do it collectively."
Among us was a 94-year-old woman—the wife of Vinod Mama's late nephew and my eldest cousin sister-in-law. She was asked if she could walk up to the stage or if she needed a car. She chose to walk, holding one of our hands for about half a kilometer, as people on both sides greeted us with flower petals and chants of "Bharat Mata Ki Jai."
We ascended the stage along with two relatives of Rajguru. Others were expected to join shortly, we were told. After a brief welcome, we were led to the front row, where we sat for the rest of the program. It began with announcements of the dignitaries in attendance—all of whom belonged to the BJP, including a Gujarat minister, Raghavji Patel, who had switched over from Congress to BJP, two former ministers, Bhupendrasinh Chudasma and Padeepsinh Jadeja, and several MLAs.
A journalist I knew well, seated in the second row, introduced me to someone, mentioning that he belonged to the Congress. A thought crossed my mind: in such a massive BJP-dominated gathering, wouldn't the presence of a Congressman suggest he was likely to switch sides? Party defections have been an ongoing trend for over a decade.
A massive image of Gujarat College formed the backdrop, depicting Vinod Kinariwala and other demonstrators being attacked by British sepoys during the Quit India protest. Vinod was shown being shot while attempting to hoist the tricolor at Gujarat College.
I found the show impressive, considering that Vinod Kinariwala—a lesser-known name among the many martyrs of India's freedom struggle—was finally receiving the attention he deserved, especially in Gujarat, where knowledge of such figures remains limited.
A quick search revealed other freedom fighters who had sacrificed their lives, including:
- Jethalal Tribhuvandas Zaveri, who participated in Mahatma Gandhi’s Dandi March in 1930, actively joined the Salt Satyagraha, was imprisoned, and died due to British police torture.
- Dada Saheb Mavlankar, who played a crucial role in the Non-Cooperation and Civil Disobedience Movements and laid down his life for independence.
- Hemu Kalani, a Sindhi revolutionary closely associated with Gujarat’s freedom fighters, who was hanged by the British in 1943 for attempting to derail a troop train.
- Govind Guru, who led a Bhil tribal rebellion against the British in 1913, resulting in the massacre of scores of tribals. He was later arrested and sentenced to life in prison.
- Kunwar Singh, who, at the age of 80, took up arms against the British during the 1857 War of Independence.
- Captain Neera Arya, a female spy for Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose’s Indian National Army, who lived a miserable life post-independence.
- Vinayak Savarkar, a controversial figure in India’s nationalist discourse.
Sairam Dave, a 48-year-old Gujarati performer and writer known for his fiery nationalist-themed cultural events, was the creative force behind Veeranjali. His commentary on each freedom fighter was powerful and provocative. However, his remarks on Savarkar stood out, overshadowing discussions on other martyrs.
The multi-media show emphasized Savarkar’s torture in the Andaman Cellular Jail and his efforts for Hindu unity after his conditional release in 1921, when he had promised not to engage in political activity. The focus was on his Hindutva ideology, which the BJP has since adopted.
The inclusion of Savarkar seemed deliberate. Unlike the other figures featured, there is little reason to believe he was not a martyr. While he was a fiery nationalist in his youth, he later submitted multiple petitions for clemency to the British government. The most well-known of these was in 1913, where he requested leniency, expressed loyalty to British rule, and promised to abandon revolutionary violence. He wrote:
"If the Government, in their manifold beneficence and mercy, release me, I shall try to be the most faithful servant of the Government…"
Yet, the show suggested that Savarkar’s release resulted from a strong movement in his favor, forcing the British to agree to his conditional release—something that did not actually happen. Unlike Mahatma Gandhi or Jawaharlal Nehru, there are no records of such public movement for Savarkar. Sources confirm, his release was primarily due to his personal petitions and behind-the-scenes efforts by certain individuals and groups.
After his release, Savarkar indeed worked against caste discrimination, opening temples to Dalits and organizing inter-caste marriages. His emphasis was on a unified Hindu society, which he believed was necessary to resist "external" threats like religious conversions.
Yet the overall impression suggested that the Hindutva ideology, which seeks Hindu unity to ward off "outside" influences, was a priority over addressing caste-based injustices, as seen by top Dalit icon Dr BR Ambedkar.
Arrested in connection with Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination but was acquitted due to a lack of direct evidence, after independence, Savarkar played no direct role in politics, concentrating on writing ideologically charged books.
His final act was a voluntary fast unto death at the age of 82 in 1966, declaring that his life’s mission was complete. This alone should be enough to question his inclusion in a martyrs’ list.
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