Skip to main content

New Central information commission defines Hindutva: It's nation first, not religion

Mahurkar at GMC meet
On November 18 evening, the Gujarat Media Club (GMC) organised a felicitation function for Uday Mahurkar, a long-time journalist with “India Today”, as the new information commissioner of the Central Information Commission, the Right to Information (RTI) watchdog of the Government of India. There were two reasons why I decided avoiding the meed (I conveyed it on WhatsApp that I wouldn’t attending). 
The first was, of course, the pandemic, though GMC claimed it would do everything to ensure that “enough precautions” would be taken. And the second was, I have found myself a misfit in such ceremonies – I get bored, often lost, sit among the back benches, talking around with those sitting next by me. Surely, it was different when I had to attend some of such ceremonial functions in Gandhinagar as part of my duty as the Times of India reporter.
Yet, I decided to watch the function on Facebook live – a link was sent by GMC on WhatsApp. What surprised me was, a maximum nine persons were watching it live, which lasted for more than one hour. The number of “watchers” never crossed two digits, not until it was live! Maybe, many more were “participating” on Zoom (a Chinese app in popular perceptions), whose link was also forwarded by GMC. Facebook live showed many had turned up for the function organised in an elite hall – I couldn’t recognise most, as all of them had put up “precautionary” masks.
Organised jointly by GMC and Lions Club International, my interest was to get some insight into what kind of person Mahurkar – who is considered by most Gujarat journalists as pro-Modi (which Mahurkar does not deny) – would be as Central information commission. Let me first start with what Mahurkar spoke about. One who is credited to have published three books on Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he pointed towards how “independent” and “balanced” he has been as a journalist.
Even as giving several instances in order to prove his “independence”, what interested me were two of his observations: First was on Hindutva. He suggested, contrary to what its votaries say, Hindutva is not Hinduism (he said "religion"). Hindutva, he insisted, means “nation first”; speaking in Gujarati, he added, “Religion (dharma) and caste (jati) come next.” The second observation was also interesting: He regretted the “popular perception” among Hindus about Muslims – that they were all bad. “This just not true… There is a need to change this, encourage good Muslims”, he insisted.
Yet another observation by Mahurkar interested me directly: He told Gujarat chief minister Vijay Rupani, who was especially called to felicitate him, that time had come to implement a “promise” made to him as GMC president more than a decade ago, in 2009, by Modi, who was Gujarat chief minister then: Land allocation to GMC in order to build its own premises. “Most states have media clubs on their own land, but not Gujarat. This is negative. I request the chief minister to implement the promise”, he looked at Rupani, his mask hanging below his chin.
The land issue for GMC interested me because, when in Gandhinagar, I was approached by a few GMC office bearers (I don’t remember the year) if I could talk to top bureaucrats if they could expedite the matter. I remember talking, among others, with P Panneervel, then state revenue secretary, about this. The reply that he gave me was astounding: The land shown by Modi for GMC was gochar – meant for cattle grazing – and if he cleared it, that would mean violating a Supreme Court order.
While I conveyed this to the person who had approached me for talking with officials, I was later told (I don’t know how far it is true) that nobody in GMC pursued the land allocation issue with Modi till he remained in Gujarat as chief minister – May 2014. “There should have been something in writing from GMC about this, which wasn’t ever there”, I was told. I was pleasantly surprised that, perhaps for the first time after 2014, someone had raised the issue, albeit by an ex-GMC chief.
Rising to speak at in the end, Rupani – who was full of praise for Mahurkar, especially the latter’s “commitment” as a “nationalist journalist” and, of course, Hindutva – surprisingly refused to utter a single word on allocate land to GMC, let alone make a promise, which his boss Modi had made. I think he wasn’t briefed about this by the coterie around him that the issue might come up. After his short speech, he felicitated Mahurkar, putting a shawl on his shoulder, and sat down.
What also surprised me was, Mahurkar didn’t say what kind of information commissioner would he be, whether he would show the type of “independence” he claims to have shown as a journalist. In fact, he spoke no word on his appointment as information commissioner. Maybe it was deliberate. Maybe he wanted his actions to showcase his “independence”.
Be that as it may, two senior journalists who spoke ahead of Mahurkar, Ajay Umat and Deepal Trivedie, did reveal some of his “positive characteristics”. Umat, introduced as editor a Gujarati daily (I don’t recall if the name of the paper he is editor of was mentioned) said, a major characteristic of Mahurkar has been his ability to keep good rapport, despite his known views, with persons of all hues, from extreme right to extreme left.
As for Trivedie, who was introduced as “editor an English daily” (strangely, the name of the media she currently represents wasn’t mentioned), she was more guarded, known as she is for keeping a distance from the establishment, current or past. Even while praising Mahurkar for guiding him to become a journalist during her initial “learning” years, she “hoped” that as new information commission he would act independently.

Comments

TRENDING

When Pakistanis whispered: ‘end military rule’ — A Moscow memoir

During the recent anti-terror operation inside Pakistan by the Government of India, called Operation Sindoor — a name some feminists consider patently patriarchal, even though it’s officially described as a tribute to the wives of the 26 husbands killed in the terrorist strike — I was reminded of my Moscow stint, which lasted for seven long years, from 1986 to 1993.

A sector under siege? War and real estate: Navigating uncertainty in India's expanding market

I was a little surprised when I received an email alert from a top real estate consultant, Anarock Group , titled "Exploring War’s Effects on Indian Real Estate—When Conflict Meets Concrete," authored by its regional director and head of research, Dr. Prashant Thakur. I had thought that the business would wholeheartedly support what is considered a strong response to the dastardly terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Operation Sindoor. 

Tracking a lost link: Soviet-era legacy of Gujarati translator Atul Sawani

The other day, I received a message from a well-known activist, Raju Dipti, who runs an NGO called Jeevan Teerth in Koba village, near Gujarat’s capital, Gandhinagar. He was seeking the contact information of Atul Sawani, a translator of Russian books—mainly political and economic—into Gujarati for Progress Publishers during the Soviet era. He wanted to collect and hand over scanned soft copies, or if possible, hard copies, of Soviet books translated into Gujarati to Arvind Gupta, who currently lives in Pune and is undertaking the herculean task of collecting and making public soft copies of Soviet books that are no longer available in the market, both in English and Indian languages.

A conman, a demolition man: How 'prominent' scribes are defending Pritish Nandy

How to defend Pritish Nandy? That’s the big question some of his so-called fans seem to ponder, especially amidst sharp criticism of his alleged insensitivity during his journalistic career. One such incident involved the theft and publication of the birth certificate of Masaba Gupta, daughter of actor Neena Gupta, in the Illustrated Weekly of India, which Nandy was editing at the time. He reportedly did this to uncover the identity of Masaba’s father.

Environmental concern? Global NGO leads campaign urging banks to cut ties with Odisha steel project

A decade after the withdrawal of the South Korean multinational POSCO from Odisha following large-scale protests, questions remain about whether India-based JSW Steel, which took over the project, can successfully revive the 13.2 million tonnes per annum (MTPA) steel plant and coal-fired power plant. POSCO initiated the project in 2005 but exited in 2017 due to sustained local opposition.

Ahmedabad's civic chaos: Drainage woes, waterlogging, and the illusion of Olympic dreams

In response to my blog on overflowing gutter lines at several spots in Ahmedabad's Vejalpur, a heavily populated area, a close acquaintance informed me that it's not just the middle-class housing societies that are affected by the nuisance. Preeti Das, who lives in a posh locality in what is fashionably called the SoBo area, tells me, "Things are worse in our society, Applewood."

Despite Hindutva hold claim, 18% Hindus in US don't want to be identified with Hinduism!

Scanning through news items on the Google News app on my mobile — which is what I do almost every morning — I came across a story published on India.com, which I found somewhat misleading. The headline said, "Muslim population drops significantly in THIS country as over 25% Muslims leave Islam due to…, the country is…"

Adani Group a key player in Indo-Israel defence cooperation: Tel Aviv daily

Said to be one of the most influential Israeli dailies, "Haaretz" (literally: News of the Land) has identified the Adani Group—known to be close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi—as one of the key Indian business houses engaged in defence cooperation with Israel. Pointing out that India supplied the Israeli military with Hermes 900 drones, the daily reported that this advanced aerial vehicle came off “the production line in a factory set up in Hyderabad, as part of the cooperation between the Israeli Elbit and India's Adani Group.”

Beyond Indus water treaty suspension: A 'nationalist' push despite harsh climate realities

The suspension of the Indus Water Treaty (IWT) appears to have pushed the middle classes, at least in Prime Minister Narendra Modi's home state, Gujarat, further towards what the powers-that-be would consider—a "positive" direction. As usual, during my morning walk, I tried talking with a neighbour about what impact it would have. Ignoring what is widely considered a "security lapse," this person, who had just returned after buying milk, compared the Modi move with Trump.