Skip to main content

Adityanath's Dalit gamble being played out because of political exigency of 2019 Lok Sabha election

By Adv Masood Peshimam*
Uttar Pradesh chief minister Adityanath Yogi recently asked why shouldn’t Dalit and backward students get benefit of caste reservation in Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and Jamia Millia Islamia, and has questioned the silence of those who claim to be the champions of downtrodden. His target were the Samajwadi Party and the Bhaujan Samaj Party.
The contention raised by Adithyanath is politically motivated and oriented to stir the hornet’s nest between the two communities. It is meant to incite hatred against Muslims, who are already hated for reasons known to the hater. Is it not rude majoritarianism, meant to create conflict of interests between two major sections of population with an eye on the 2019 elections?
Adithyanath should note that Muslims in India are a discriminated lot, and their marginalisation is at its worst. They have never opposed reservation. It is well known which are the forces that have opposed reservation. It is also well known which are the forces pursuing the policy of persecution against the backward classes.
The Dalit card is being played because of political exigencies. It was during the Presidential election that it was played first. On the eve of the retirement of former Vice President Hamid Ansari, his name cropped up for the race, but was put to the rest with the suggestion of making a Dalit as President. It was a welcome move to make a Dalit President. The same concern was not shown while selecting Venkaiah Naidu for the post of Vice President.
What is no less significant is, Adityanath swore by the secular Constitution of India to become the UP chief minister, yet had no compunction in wearing a saffron robe, which he put on as former head of mutts or seminaries. He blatantly compromised secular values and traditions. It is not just Adityanath. Even bigoted and narrow-minded Muslims are no less responsible for worsening the situation. Multiple factors tragically isolate Muslims from the national mainstream, culminating into horrific cult of violence against them, at times in the name cow protection or some other pretext.
The situation is equally messy for Dalits or other backwards, though to a lesser extent. Both are sailing in the same boat, but Muslims’ situation is worse. Be that as it may, the fact remains that Dalits are bearing the brunt of a messy situation. The whole society cannot be blamed for the failure of justice and equality for Dalits.
As part of this messy situation, incidents of rising intolerance are taking place against Dalits, such as those in Gandhinagar, Gujarat. It so happened that, in Gandhinagar, the family of one Prashant Solanki, a bridegroom, was compelled to travel in a car to go to the house of the bride, apprehending violence if he rode the horseback. The Dalit bridegroom riding on horseback was treated as affront by higher castes. The situation became so grave that the bridegroom had to flee the scene, as there was threat of violence. During another marriage that followed, the Dalit bridegroom had to seek police protection to ride the horse!
Recently at Jamner in Jalgoan, two Dalit minor boys were assaulted and paraded naked. What was their fault? They bathed in a common well. In another incident, Dalits were assaulted severely for skinning a dead cow. Incidents of Dalits being victimised keep haunting the social scenario. It is well known as to who are the people that pursue aggressive an anti-Dalit agenda. There is no ambiguity in this respect.
It’s this deep suppression and oppression, born of deep resentment, which became a major reason contributing to Dalits’ conversion. It was this undiluted ignominy and humiliation that led to large-scale conversion to Islam in Meenakshipuram in 1981. Then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi sent a delegation to study the situation and take corrective measures.
Instead of improving the plight of the downtrodden and backwards, Adityanath tried to make AMU and Jamia Millia Islamia scapegoats. AMU, founded by Sir Sayyed Ahmad Khan in 1920, has remained a citadel of secular values, catholicity of outlook, liberal approach and communal harmony. It began with the foundation of madrasa in 1875, leading to the formation of Anglo Oriental College, which later culminated into AMU in1920.
Sanskrit began to be taught right from the inception of AMU along with Urdu, Persian and Arabic with the exuberance of rich classical literature .The very teaching of Sanskrit is a testimony to the fact that Sir Sayyed had tremendous respect for variety of cultures and languages. Yet, communal hawks maintain a hostile stance towards Sir Sayyed. Even Dr Iqbal, who is credited to have written “Sare Jahan se achha Hindustan hamara”, has not been spared.
The pernicious attempt see Muslim stalwarts as villains is meant to demoralise the community and show that Muslims have made no contribution worth the name for the enrichment of the nation’s life and culture. The strategy is to bring Muslims on such a weak turf that they are unable to even protests.
The AMU imbroglio, created over the reservation to downtrodden and backwards, is meant to consolidate the communal vote bank with an eye on 2019 polls. The alternate strategy of winning the 2019 election is to communalise polity, because, due to the all-round failure of the Modi government, there is an element of scepticism for BJP to romp home to power comfortably.
---
*Based in Kalyan, Maharashtra

Comments

Sagar Dhiman said…
He must had bath with ganga jal after doing this

TRENDING

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Where’s the urgency for the 2,000 MW Sharavati PSP in Western Ghats?

By Shankar Sharma*  A recent news article has raised credible concerns about the techno-economic clearance granted by the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) for a large Pumped Storage Project (PSP) located within a protected area in the dense Western Ghats of Karnataka. The article , titled "Where is the hurry for the 2,000 MW Sharavati PSP in Western Ghats?", questions the rationale behind this fast-tracked approval for such a massive project in an ecologically sensitive zone.

A Hindu alternative to Valentine's Day? 'Shiv-Parvati was first love marriage in Universe'

By Rajiv Shah  The other day, I was searching on Google a quote on Maha Shivratri which I wanted to send to someone, a confirmed Shiv Bhakt, quite close to me -- with an underlying message to act positively instead of being negative. On top of the search, I chanced upon an article in, imagine!, a Nashik Corporation site which offered me something very unusual. 

Will Bangladesh go Egypt way, where military ruler is in power for a decade?

By Vijay Prashad*  The day after former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina left Dhaka, I was on the phone with a friend who had spent some time on the streets that day. He told me about the atmosphere in Dhaka, how people with little previous political experience had joined in the large protests alongside the students—who seemed to be leading the agitation. I asked him about the political infrastructure of the students and about their political orientation. He said that the protests seemed well-organized and that the students had escalated their demands from an end to certain quotas for government jobs to an end to the government of Sheikh Hasina. Even hours before she left the country, it did not seem that this would be the outcome.

Structural retrogression? Steady rise in share of self-employment in agriculture 2017-18 to 2023-24

By Ishwar Awasthi, Puneet Kumar Shrivastav*  The National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) launched the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) in April 2017 to provide timely labour force data. The 2023-24 edition, released on 23rd September 2024, is the 7th round of the series and the fastest survey conducted, with data collected between July 2023 and June 2024. Key labour market indicators analysed include the Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR), Worker Population Ratio (WPR), and Unemployment Rate (UR), which highlight trends crucial to understanding labour market sustainability and economic growth. 

Venugopal's book 'explores' genesis, evolution of Andhra Naxalism

By Harsh Thakor*  N. Venugopal has been one of the most vocal critics of the neo-fascist forces of Hindutva and Brahmanism, as well as the encroachment of globalization and liberalization over the last few decades. With sharp insight, Venugopal has produced comprehensive writings on social movements, drawing from his experience as a participant in student, literary, and broader social movements. 

Authorities' shrewd caveat? NREGA payment 'subject to funds availability': Barmer women protest

By Bharat Dogra*  India is among very few developing countries to have a rural employment guarantee scheme. Apart from providing employment during the lean farm work season, this scheme can make a big contribution to important needs like water and soil conservation. Workers can get employment within or very near to their village on the kind of work which improves the sustainable development prospects of their village.

'Failing to grasp' his immense pain, would GN Saibaba's death haunt judiciary?

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The death of Prof. G.N. Saibaba in Hyderabad should haunt our judiciary, which failed to grasp the immense pain he endured. A person with 90% disability, yet steadfast in his convictions, he was unjustly labeled as one of India’s most ‘wanted’ individuals by the state, a characterization upheld by the judiciary. In a democracy, diverse opinions should be respected, and as long as we uphold constitutional values and democratic dissent, these differences can strengthen us.

94.1% of households in mineral rich Keonjhar live below poverty line, 58.4% reside in mud houses

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak*  Keonjhar district in Odisha, rich in mineral resources, plays a significant role in the state's revenue generation. The region boasts extensive reserves of iron ore, chromite, limestone, dolomite, nickel, and granite. According to District Mineral Foundation (DMF) reports, Keonjhar contains an estimated 2,555 million tonnes of iron ore. At the current extraction rate of 55 million tonnes annually, these reserves could last 60 years. However, if the extraction increases to 140 million tonnes per year, they could be depleted within just 23 years.