Skip to main content

Gujarat riot victims are told they're not true Muslims, hence they suffer: It's conspiracy to displace us again, they allege

Mir Khan
By A Representative
Mir Khan, who lives in the Hussainabad resettlement colony off North Gujarat town Himmatnagar, feels like a Muhajir, the term "derogatorily" used for those Muslims in Pakistan who left India soon after partition in 1947. "We started living in the colony after we were forced to leave our residence following the communal violence that erupted 16 years ago, on February 28, 2002, little knowing that we too would treated like Muhajirs, outsiders", he said.
Speaking at a conference called by the minority rights body, Alpasankhyak Adhikar Manch, at Gujarat Vidyapith, Ahmedabad, Khan was one of the dozen persons who gave their testimony on how, on being "resettled" 16 years ago, there is little change in their sub-human conditions they were forced to accept. Worse, they insisted, they are now sought to be treated as aliens, and threats are coming from the very same people who gave them land to build shanties on after 2002 riots.
Majidbhai of Naroda Patiya
"Religious people come and tell us that we do not behave like Muslims, one reason why we suffered during the riots and it's aftermath", Khan said, even as a stunned Jignesh Mevani, MLA and Gujarat's Dalit face, sitting next to well-known human rights activist Gagan Sethi, listened to his emotional outburst. "We are told we have been participating in non-Muslim festivals, such as Navratri, the main reason for our suffering."
Suspecting that all this is part of the conspiracy to unsettle the displaced riot victims from their colonies, Shamshad Pathan, a Gujarat High Court advocate who has been fighting their cases, said, "One resettlement colony, constructed about 16 kilometres from Himmatnagar, was set up on a two acre land whose price in 2002 was Rs 2 lakh per acre. It's price today is Rs 4 crore. Houses were constructed with NGO money. Now the landowner wants the land back."
Gagan Sethi
Nearly all testimonies were on similar lines. While Idrisbhai from Bharuch said, those who had helped them initially with land want it, Anjumben from Nadiad added, since the houses are still not in their names, and all their efforts to bring no-objection certificate (NOC) from the landowners have failed, "We are unable to get any loan and the government refuses to provide us any basic amenities. Even the emergency medical van cannot reach our colony, as there are no approach  roads."
Majidbhai, who lost seven persons from his family in the worst communal carnage of Naroda Patiya in Ahmedabad, and currently lives in a resettlement colony, said, he is "totally frustrated" in his effort to legalize the 45 houses of their colony, as there is "no response from the officialdom". He added, "I not only lost my family members, even my earnings were razed to ashes. I do not want to live any longer."
Those who gave testimonies reported how even the application for cremation ground was not forwarded by the landowner for 10 years starting 2007, and they must go seven kilometres to bury the dead; how people are asked to go out of the colony in case they desired to celebrate a festival, even sing songs, as all this is dubbed "anti-Muslim"; and how the land pieces bought for setting up the colonies were "never regularized."
Jignesh Mevani
They also reported how threats are issued to bulldoze the shanties constructed after 2002; and how a person who had wanted to bring to light the racket of the owner of a colony was mysteriously murdered.
In all, out of 83 colonies, in which the riot victims live, 62 have "not been regularized at all", while the rest have been only partially regularized, the conference was told.
In one colony, in Anand district, the 165 residents got together and paid impact fee to regularize their houses. While houses are, thankfully, their name, landownership isn't.
Human rights activist Sethi told the conference that there was a need to bring about a fundamental change in the way the riot victims are seen. "In UN terminology, they are internally displaced persons (IDPs), something the previous and present and past governments have refused to admit in order to return to them all the benefits they previously enjoyed", he said.
Dalit leader Mevani exhorted to riot victims to reach streets for their rights, without which nobody would care. "I will not attend the meeting called by any of the Muslim bodies who organized colonies for riot victims colonies till they do not move to address ownership issues", he threatened.

Comments

TRENDING

Gram sabha as reformer: Mandla’s quiet challenge to the liquor economy

By Raj Kumar Sinha*  This year, the Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj is organising a two-day PESA Mahotsav in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, on 23–24 December 2025. The event marks the passage of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), enacted by Parliament on 24 December 1996 to establish self-governance in Fifth Schedule areas. Scheduled Areas are those notified by the President of India under Article 244(1) read with the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, which provides for a distinct framework of governance recognising the autonomy of tribal regions. At present, Fifth Schedule areas exist in ten states: Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Telangana. The PESA Act, 1996 empowers Gram Sabhas—the village assemblies—as the foundation of self-rule in these areas. Among the many powers devolved to them is the authority to take decisions on local matters, including the regulation...

MG-NREGA: A global model still waiting to be fully implemented

By Bharat Dogra  When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MG-NREGA) was introduced in India nearly two decades ago, it drew worldwide attention. The reason was evident. At a time when states across much of the world were retreating from responsibility for livelihoods and welfare, the world’s second most populous country—with nearly two-thirds of its people living in rural or semi-rural areas—committed itself to guaranteeing 100 days of employment a year to its rural population.

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Concerns raised over move to rename MGNREGA, critics call it politically motivated

By A Representative   Concerns have been raised over the Union government’s reported move to rename the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), with critics describing it as a politically motivated step rather than an administrative reform. They argue that the proposed change undermines the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi and seeks to appropriate credit for a programme whose relevance has been repeatedly demonstrated, particularly during times of crisis.

Rollback of right to work? VB–GRAM G Bill 'dilutes' statutory employment guarantee

By A Representative   The Right to Food Campaign has strongly condemned the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB–GRAM G) Bill, 2025, describing it as a major rollback of workers’ rights and a fundamental dilution of the statutory Right to Work guaranteed under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). In a statement, the Campaign termed the repeal of MGNREGA a “dark day for workers’ rights” and accused the government of converting a legally enforceable, demand-based employment guarantee into a centralised, discretionary welfare scheme.

Making rigid distinctions between Indian and foreign 'historically untenable'

By A Representative   Oral historian, filmmaker and cultural conservationist Sohail Hashmi has said that everyday practices related to attire, food and architecture in India reflect long histories of interaction and adaptation rather than rigid or exclusionary ideas of identity. He was speaking at a webinar organised by the Indian History Forum (IHF).

India’s Halal economy 'faces an uncertain future' under the new food Bill

By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  The proposed Food Safety and Standards (Amendment) Bill, 2025 marks a decisive shift in India’s food regulation landscape by seeking to place Halal certification exclusively under government control while criminalising all private Halal certification bodies. Although the Bill claims to promote “transparency” and “standardisation,” its structure and implications raise serious concerns about religious freedom, economic marginalisation, and the systematic dismantling of a long-established, Muslim-led Halal ecosystem in India.

From jobless to ‘job-loss’ growth: Experts critique gig economy and fintech risks

By A Representative   Leading economists and social activists gathered in the capital on Friday to launch the third edition of the State of Finance in India Report 2024-25 , issuing a stark warning that the rapid digitalization of the Indian economy is eroding welfare systems and entrenching "digital dystopia."