Skip to main content

Ex-World Bank chief economist doubts spurt in India's ease of doing business rank

This is in continuation of my previous blog where I had quoted from a commentary which top economist Prof Kaushik Basu had written in the New York Times (NYT) a little less than a month ago, on November 6, to be exact. He recalled this article through a tweet on November 29, soon after it was made known that India's growth rate had slumped (officially!) to 4.5%.
In this article Prof Basu warns, "Countries with strong governments often end up with weak economies, and India, after years of impressive growth, risks becoming one of them." The heading is more direct: It terms India a "mistrust economy", noting that the blame for the slowdown in growth should go to Indian rulers' "illiberalism", which is "hurting investors’ confidence." 
Interestingly, it is within this overall framework that Prof Basu seeks to target the World Bank, whom he served as chief economist from 2012 to 2016. Professor of international studies and economics at Cornell, and chief economic adviser to the Indian government from 2009 to 2012, he puts in question the World Bank's recently released annual ease of doing business, according to which India’s ranking improved to 63rd, up from 77th last year. 
Noting that India -- along with Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and China -- "was among the 10 states that made the most progress" in the World Bank's perception, Prof Basu appears to wonder how could the top banker, whom it had advised, reach such a drastic conclusion, especially when "major indicators show that its economy is slowing down sharply."
Pointing out how Prime Minister Narendra Modi on coming to power in 2014 had promised to make of India an economic powerhouse that would rival China, and on being reelected this year, he pledged to turn India into a $5 trillion economy, nearly twice its current size, by 2024, Prof Basu says, ground realities already suggest a totally different picture. 
Thus, the International Monetary Fund’s World Economic Outlook "cut India’s growth forecast for 2019 to 6.1 percent, down from the 7.3 percent that the organization had predicted in April", Prof Basu says, adding, "Between 2003 and 2011, growth averaged nearly 8.5 percent, well exceeding 9 percent every year between 2005 and 2008." However, the most recent "turnaround", he believes, is "sudden and unexpected", and is a "cause for concern."
He says, "The decline is visible in the details, big and small. Passenger car sales, which had been falling for a while, dropped by more than 23 percent in the period between April and September, compared with the same period in 2018... Export growth has been lethargic... Standard & Poor’s recently warned of rising risks in India’s financial sector. The unemployment rate is at a 45-year high."
Prof Basu continues, "It’s not just that economic growth is slowing down overall; inequality is rising as well. According to Oxfam, 73 percent of the wealth generated in India in 2017 went to the richest 1 percent. Inequality was worsening before the present administration took office, but with growth slowing down and unemployment rising, the effects are more painful."
Wonders the top economist, "So how can it be getting easier to do business in India, apparently, even as by some measures, economic growth is decelerating?" According to him, "These simultaneous developments, far from being conflicting, actually explain each other." 
He asserts, "The World Bank’s ease-of-doing-business rankings are primarily an assessment of how good a country’s laws look on paper rather than how they operate in practice."
Thus, he says, "By the report’s own account, 'approximately two-thirds of the data embedded in the doing business indicators are based on a reading of the law'. In other words, a government can adjust its regulations in a way that ensures it will make progress along the index, even if the changes have minimal effect on the ground."
Underlining that real growth "depends on how well the laws are actually carried out", Prof Basu argues, "These days in India, divisiveness is increasing throughout society, while trust in the government is declining, at least among major economic actors. Consider this indirect indicator of waning confidence, which is often overlooked."
Pointing out that "India was a low-investment country for many years after independence in 1947", and "investment did not exceed 20 percent of gross domestic product until the late 1970s", Prof Basu says, " It crossed the 30 percent mark for the first time in 2004-05 and climbed to 39 percent in 2011-12. India had begun to look like, and grow like, an East Asian economy in the 1980s."
Suggesting that this confidence "started to decline", with investment again reaching 30 percent of GDP, by 2016-17, Prof Basu underlines, "A drop in investment is usually connected to a lack of trust in the present and the near future. When businesses worry about a country’s policy environment, they hesitate to sink money into it."
Especially referring to the Modi government's demonetization misadventure in 2017 in this context, Prof Basu emphasizes, "A government’s heavy-handed interference in the market — such as the Modi administration’s decision to ban some paper currency in late 2016 — or general fractiousness, in politics or within a bureaucracy, can hurt confidence in the economy."
According to him, "Economists don’t much like to admit this, but a country’s economic performance depends as much on its politics as on its economic policies. Starting at independence, India invested in political institutions first -- establishing democracy, free speech, independent media, secularism and protections for minority rights."
Suggesting that this helped lay foundation for building confidence in India, Prof Basu says, while "India’s growth in the early decades after independence was sluggish", it would be a "colossal mistake now to squander the political capital that choice generated — especially after the economy finally did take off, first in early 1990s and spectacularly so after 2003."
Concludes Prof Basu, while even now "the fundamentals of India’s economy remain strong", thanks to the post-Independence political legacy, "The current slowdown is mostly collateral damage, the result of an erosion of trust caused by the country’s drift toward illiberalism." 
He believes, "India can boost its economy again by reclaiming and building on its progressive heritage."

Comments

TRENDING

No to free thought? How Gujarat's private universities are cowing down their students

"Don't protest"—that's the message private universities across Gujarat seem to be conveying to their students. A senior professor told me that students at the university where he teaches are required to sign an undertaking promising not to engage in protests. "They simply sign the undertaking and hand it over to the university authorities," he said.

Beyond the Sattvik plate: Prof Anil Gupta's take on food, ethics, and sustainability

I was pleasantly surprised to receive a rather lengthy comment (I don't want to call it a rejoinder) on my blog post about the Sattvik Food Festival, held near the Sola Temple in Ahmedabad late last year. It came from no less a person than Anil Gupta, Professor Emeritus at the Indian Institute of Management-Ahmedabad (IIM-A), under whose guidance this annual event was held.

'Potentially lethal, carcinogenic': Global NGO questions India refusing to ban white asbestos

Associated with the Fight Inequality Alliance, a global movement that began in 2016 to "counter the concentration of power and wealth among a small elite", claiming to have members  in the United Kingdom, South Africa, Kenya, Zambia, the Philippines, and Denmark, the advocacy group Confront Power appears all set to intensify its campaign against India as "the world’s largest asbestos importer". 

In lieu of tribute to Pritish Nandy, said to be instrumental in collapse of Reliance-controlled daily

It is widely reported that Pritish Nandy , journalist, author, animal activist, and politician, has passed away. While it is customary to pay tributes to a departing soul—and I, too, have joined those who have posted heartfelt condolences on social media—I cannot forget the way he treated me when he was editor of the Reliance-controlled Business and Political Observer  (BPO), for which I had been working informally in Moscow.

Shyam Benegal's Mathan a propaganda film that supported 'system'? No way

A few days ago, I watched Manthan, a Shyam Benegal movie released in 1976. If I remember correctly, the first time I saw this movie was with Safdar Hashmi, one of the rare young theater icons who was brutally murdered in January 1989. Back then, having completed an M.A. in English Literature from Delhi University in 1975, we would often move around together.

Sattvik Food Festival: Shouldn't one question notion of purity, cultural exclusion in food choices?

Recently, I visited the Sattvik Food Festival, an annual event in Ahmedabad organized by Anil Gupta, professor emeritus at the Indian Institute of Management-Ahmedabad (IIM-A). I have known Prof. Gupta since 1993, when I sought an appointment to meet him a few months after joining The Times of India in Ahmedabad—one reason why I have always been interested in the activities he is involved in.

A conman, a demolition man: How 'prominent' scribes are defending Pritish Nandy

How to defend Pritish Nandy? That’s the big question some of his so-called fans seem to ponder, especially amidst sharp criticism of his alleged insensitivity during his journalistic career. One such incident involved the theft and publication of the birth certificate of Masaba Gupta, daughter of actor Neena Gupta, in the Illustrated Weekly of India, which Nandy was editing at the time. He reportedly did this to uncover the identity of Masaba’s father.

To be or not to be Sattvik: Different communities' differing notions of purity and fasting

This is a continuation of my last blog on Sattvik food. When talking about Sattvik, there is a tendency to overlook what it may mean to different sections of people around the world. First, let me redefine Sattvik: it means having a "serene, balanced, and harmonious mind or attitude." Derived from the Sanskrit word sattva, it variously means "pure, essence, nature, vital, energy, clean, conscious, strong, courage, true, honest, and wise." How do people achieve this so-called purity? Among Gujarati Hindus, especially those from the so-called upper castes who are vegetarians, one common way is fasting. On fasting days, such as agiyarash —the 11th day of the lunar cycle in the Vedic calendar—my close relatives fast but consume milk, fruit juices, mangoes, grapes, bananas, almonds, pistachios, and potato-based foods, including fried items. Another significant fasting period is adhik maas. During this time, many of my relatives "fast" by eating only a single me...

Challenging patriarchy? Adopting maternal and marital surnames: Resistance continues

Anandiben Patel The other day, I was talking with a group of family friends. The discussion revolved around someone very close to me who had not changed her official name in documents, including her Aadhaar and passport, after her marriage. However, on social media and within her husband's family, she had adopted her husband's surname as a suffix to her own. I mentioned that there is a growing trend—though not yet widespread—where women prefer to retain their maiden names or add their maiden surnames alongside their husband's surname. Another emerging trend is where men choose to add their mother's name, or even their wife's name, to their own. This revelation surprised my family friends.