Skip to main content

Indian tycoons' profits "double", share of cultivators' income down from 25% to 15%

Counterview Desk
Oxfam India’s recent “India Inequality Report 2018: Widening Gaps”, among other things, points towards how lurking gaps exist not just between the rich and the poor, but also between organized sector workers and unorganized sector workers. Authored by Himanshu, Associate Professor at the Centre for Economic Studies and Planning, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, the report states that the situation is particularly pathetic, as 93% workers come from the informal sector.

Excerpts:

The labour market in India shows gross inequalities in terms of quality of employment. While a large majority of workers are employed in the informal sector with no social security, the organised sector has also seen a decline in employment quality over the years.
At the national level, 93% of all workers are employed as informal workers. While a majority of these are employed in the unorganised sector where almost all the workers are informal workers, but they are also in the organised sector where the percentage of informal workers employed has increased in recent years. In 1999-2000, 38% workers were employed as informal workers in the organised sector; this increased to 56% in 2011-12.
Further disaggregation of the public and private sector suggests that it is the private organised sector which contributes to a significant chunk of informal workers; the share of informal workers in the organised private sector is almost two-thirds. While the quality of employment has declined in the last two decades, the decline in the number of jobs created has also contributed to rising inequality.
Against almost 10 million, in the working age-group, entering the labour force, the annual job creation in the economy in recent decades has been for 2 million workers. Between 1993-94 and 2004-05, the annual addition to the workforce was 7.6 million per year, which fell to 2 million workers per year between 2004-05 and 2011-12. While recent estimates are not available, Abraham (2017) reports a net decline in the number of jobs after 2014.
The inequality in labour market also arises from the skewed distribution of workers across sectors. Despite its falling share in the GDP, around half of the workforce in India is still employed in the agricultural sector. While the growth of the agricultural sector has remained less than 2% on average since 1991, the employment in agriculture increased during the same period.
On the one hand, a large share of workers is employed in the unorganised sector, even though its share in the GDP has been falling. On the other, the sectors which have grown the fastest, such as finance, insurance, real estate sector and IT-related services and telecommunications, employ less than 2% of the workforce.
This has led to increasing divergence in per worker productivity between workers in sectors with the lowest productivity i.e. agriculture and construction and the workers in the fast-growing sectors. The ratio of labour productivity in the nonagricultural sector to labour productivity in the agricultural sector has increased from 4.46 in 1993-94 to 5.52 in 2011-12.
Estimates of wage inequality have been presented in an earlier section and these confirm the growing divergence between workers in different sectors. The labour market outcomes are primarily a result of the fact that gains from growth have been unevenly distributed. This is because of the nature of the growth process itself.
NVA: Net Value Added
The liberalisation process, which was set in motion in 1991, attracted massive capital inflows. This set off a domestic retail credit boom, and along with fiscal concessions it created an environment for a hike in consumption of the better-off households and ‘competitive consumerism’. While this fuelled a rapid growth of GDP, there remained an abysmally low public spending on basic facilities, insufficient employment generation and a persistent agrarian crisis.
However, as the wage shares have fallen during the period of growth, consumption demand of the masses has stayed low. The persistence of low productivity employment in all the major sectors even after many years of rapid economic growth in India is a particularly unusual growth pattern. Thus, the pattern of capital accumulation in both the earlier dirigiste period and the current neo-liberal period has not generated the required structural changes in the economy.
The Indian system of capital accumulation is one of “exclusion through incorporation”, particularly in the neo-liberal period. The growth strategy has not included measures which would enable mass consumption of goods. In the absence of sufficient measures, the inequalities in the system have persisted and even intensified.
The capital accumulation process has exploited the differences on the basis of caste, community or gender in the labour market, which has further exacerbated these differences. The financial institutions, input and product markets, and insufficient access to credit also intensify this problem.
The social institutions and political forces allow the discriminatory labour practices to continue, and the legal and regulatory institutions enhance the bargaining power of capital. The governments have aided the existing capital accumulation process, by allowing heavy corporate tax exemptions, appropriation of land and natural resources, and by the lax implementation of regulations.
Some confirmation of this trend is available from the national accounts which give the factor incomes by occupational categories. The highest increase has been in the share of private surplus (profits), which has more than doubled from 7% in 1993-94 to 15% in 2011-12. On the other hand, the share of income accruing to cultivators has come down from 25% to 14.6% over the same period.
While this mirrors a decline in the share of agriculture in GDP, along with increasing share of nonfarm incomes as seen in the case of nonfarm wages and non-farm self-employed, the growth of non-farm incomes as a whole is far lower than the corresponding increase in its share as seen through the national accounts.
The changes in employment structure have been far slower than the corresponding changes in sectoral shares in the national accounts. An important aspect of the changing work-force structure has been the declining share of agricultural labourers and cultivators with a corresponding increase in non-farm wage workers and non-farm self-employed.
On the other hand, share of private salaried workers has remained unchanged with a marginal decline in the share of government salaried workers. The highest growth in per worker incomes is observed in the private salaried workers and government salaried workers. In fact, since 1999-00, the growth of per worker incomes of private salaried workers and government salaried workers has been almost double that of other workers.
There has been some increase and catch up as far as workers in agriculture are concerned after 2004-05 but over a longer period, their incomes have increased by less than half of those of private and government salaried workers.
Supporting evidence in this regard is also available from another source of data. The Annual Survey of Industries (ASI) brings out the emoluments received by various categories of workers. While worker’s wages and emoluments of managerial staff were moving in tandem until the 1980s, they start diverging from the early 1990s and have continued to diverge further. By 2012, the last year for which data is available, managerial emoluments increased by more than 10 times but workers’ wages have increased by less than 4 times.
The ASI data also shed light on the declining gains to workers even though productivity has increased in manufacturing. This has been achieved by suppressing workers’ share in net value added at the cost of profits. While wage share was higher at around 30% in the early 1980s with profit share at only 20%, the shares changed after 1990s.
In recent years, the share of profits in net value added has increased to more than 50% reaching a peak of more than 60% in 2007-08. While it has declined after the financial crisis, it continues to be above 50% of net value added in organised manufacturing. During the same period, the share of wages in value added declined to 10% and has remained thereabout in recent years.
The compression in wage share was accompanied by contractualisation and casualization of workforce in organised manufacturing. The share of contract workers to all workers being employed, was less than 20% in the beginning of this century. But within a decade it increased to more than one-third. The contract workers not only suffer from the insecurity of tenure but are also paid less with no social security benefits.
---
Click HERE to download full report

Comments

TRENDING

India's chemical industry: The missing piece of Atmanirbhar Bharat

By N.S. Venkataraman*  Rarely a day passes without the Prime Minister or a cabinet minister speaking about the importance of Atmanirbhar Bharat . The Start-up India scheme is a pillar in promoting this vision, and considerable enthusiasm has been reported in promoting start-up projects across the country. While these developments are positive, Atmanirbhar Bharat does not seem to have made significant progress within the Indian chemical industry . This is a matter of high concern that needs urgent and dispassionate analysis.

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

Urgent need to study cause of large number of natural deaths in Gulf countries

By Venkatesh Nayak* According to data tabled in Parliament in April 2018, there are 87.76 lakh (8.77 million) Indians in six Gulf countries, namely Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). While replying to an Unstarred Question (#6091) raised in the Lok Sabha, the Union Minister of State for External Affairs said, during the first half of this financial year alone (between April-September 2018), blue-collared Indian workers in these countries had remitted USD 33.47 Billion back home. Not much is known about the human cost of such earnings which swell up the country’s forex reserves quietly. My recent RTI intervention and research of proceedings in Parliament has revealed that between 2012 and mid-2018 more than 24,570 Indian Workers died in these Gulf countries. This works out to an average of more than 10 deaths per day. For every US$ 1 Billion they remitted to India during the same period there were at least 117 deaths of Indian Workers in Gulf ...

Remembering a remarkable rebel: Personal recollections of Comrade Himmat Shah

By Rajiv Shah   I first came in contact with Himmat Shah in the second half of the 1970s during one of my routine visits to Ahmedabad , my maternal hometown. I do not recall the exact year, but at that time I was working in Delhi with the CPI -owned People’s Publishing House (PPH) as its assistant editor, editing books and writing occasional articles for small periodicals. Himmatbhai — as I would call him — worked at the People’s Book House (PBH), the CPI’s bookshop on Relief Road in Ahmedabad.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

History, culture and literature of Fatehpur, UP, from where Maulana Hasrat Mohani hailed

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a member of the Constituent Assembly and an extremely important leader of our freedom movement. Born in Unnao district of Uttar Pradesh, Hasrat Mohani's relationship with nearby district of Fatehpur is interesting and not explored much by biographers and historians. Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri has written a book on Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Fatehpur. The book is in Urdu.  He has just come out with another important book, 'Hindi kee Pratham Rachna: Chandayan' authored by Mulla Daud Dalmai.' During my recent visit to Fatehpur town, I had an opportunity to meet Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri and recorded a conversation with him on issues of history, culture and literature of Fatehpur. Sharing this conversation here with you. Kindly click this link. --- *Human rights defender. Facebook https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat , X @freetohumanity, Skype @vbrawat

As 2024 draws nearer, threatening signs appear of more destructive wars

By Bharat Dogra  The four years from 2020 to 2023 have been very difficult and high risk years for humanity. In the first two years there was a pandemic and such severe disruption of social and economic life that countless people have not yet recovered from its many-sided adverse impacts. In the next two years there were outbreaks of two very high-risk wars which have worldwide implications including escalation into much wider conflicts. In addition there were highly threatening signs of increasing possibility of other very destructive wars. As the year 2023 appears to be headed for ending on a very grim note, there are apprehensions about what the next year 2024 may bring, and there are several kinds of fears. However to come back to the year 2020 first, the pandemic harmed and threatened a very large number of people. No less harmful was the fear epidemic, the epidemic of increasing mental stress and the cruel disruption of the life and livelihoods particularly among the weaker s...

Muslim women’s rights advocates demand criminalisation of polygamy: Petition launched

By A Representative   An online petition seeking a legal ban on polygamy has been floated by Javed Anand, co-editor of Sabrang and National Convener of Indian Muslims for Secular Democracy (IMSD), inviting endorsements from citizens, organisations and activists. The petition, titled “Indian Muslims & Secular Progressive Citizens Demand a Legal Ban on Polygamy,” urges the Central and State governments, Parliament and political parties to abolish polygamy through statutory reform, backed by extensive data from the 2025 national study conducted by the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA).

Bangladesh alternative more vital for NE India than Kaladan project in Myanmar

By Mehjabin Bhanu*  There has been a recent surge in the number of Chin refugees entering Mizoram from the adjacent nation as a result of airstrikes by the Myanmar Army on ethnic insurgents and intense fighting along the border between India and Myanmar. Uncertainty has surrounded India's Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport project, which uses Sittwe port in Myanmar, due to the recent outbreak of hostilities along the Mizoram-Myanmar border. Construction on the road portion of the Kaladan project, which runs from Paletwa in Myanmar to Zorinpui in Mizoram, was resumed thanks to the time of relative calm during the intermittent period. However, recent unrest has increased concerns about missing the revised commissioning goal dates. The project's goal is to link northeastern states with the rest of India via an alternate route, using the Sittwe port in Myanmar. In addition to this route, India can also connect the region with the rest of India through Assam by using the Chittagon...