Shankar Guha Niyogi (1943–1991) was a great trade union leader who became a legend within his lifetime, partly because of several significant victories of workers' struggles within a relatively short time of about 14 years (1977–91), but I think even more so because of his highly innovative and creative approach to working-class issues. This included many-sided integrations leading to a comprehensive approach to improving the well-being as well as social consciousness of not just the workers but of all people of the working-class belt, including particularly the surrounding villages.
Hence, along with the more common issues of wages and regularization, other significant issues concerning technology choices—with special emphasis on opposing indiscriminate mechanization—could also be taken up. The working-class struggles could be integrated with struggles for justice in many villages, and the stronger working-class communities agreed to support upcoming struggles of others. The trade union agenda included programs on improving access of workers to health, education, and vocational skills, and here again, this was not confined to raising demands from the administration; workers went ahead to create their own schools and hospital. The anti-alcohol program started by the union here became one of the most successful efforts of this kind in the country. Niyogi was deeply concerned about the protection of the environment, forests, and wildlife.
What is particularly memorable is that the many-sided creative and constructive work continued and succeeded in the middle of difficult and continuing struggles, emphasizing the importance of combining struggles and constructive work, taking forward the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi from freedom movement days.
Thus, Niyogi built on the best of Indian experiences in diverse fields, as evident from the fact that both committed Marxists and Gandhians were attracted to Niyogi's work area, where new dreams were being seen and were also being turned into reality. This attracted a significant number of doctors, other health personnel, social activists, artists, and writers to this work area, and they wanted to contribute to these efforts in whatever way they could. I myself went many times, and could fortunately contribute about a hundred articles and reports as well as many booklets and pamphlets on this inspiring work. I was able to interview Niyogi several times; the most memorable conversation took place when he was jailed, and on the return journey I wrote a poem based on this conversation, which, to my own happy surprise, was splashed on a full page of the leading Hindi magazine Hindustan. I was particularly keen to go there at a time when the movement was facing difficult and stressful times, and reporting during such times was more helpful too.
It would not be an exaggeration to say that the work area of Niyogi was almost becoming like a pilgrimage for those committed to seeking alternatives based on justice and a different paradigm of development.
The enemies of workers and people could hardly tolerate this, and Niyogi was assassinated on 28 September 1991 at the age of only 48.
The main base of the Niyogi-led trade union movement (CMSS) was among iron ore miners of Dalli Rajhara, Chhattisgarh (Central India), although it extended gradually to several mines and industries as well as villages in the region, particularly in the industrial city of Bhilai. The wider organization to take forward numerous struggles in the region was called the Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha (CMM). Niyogi and his colleagues broadened the trade union movement to link it closely with many-sided struggles of peasants in nearby villages, mostly from tribal communities, whether for land and forest rights or against pollution of water sources. Hence, Niyogi and the wider movement have been widely recognized as a highly creative initiative that combined struggles with constructive activities (sangharsh aur nirman).
Shankar Guha Niyogi was born in Assam in a middle-class household and had his education in Bengal. Niyogi was active as a student leader in college, and coming from Bengal to work in the Bhilai Steel Plant in the Chhattisgarh region, he gave up a promising career to merge entirely with the poorest, neglected sections of miners, moving from village to village, mine to mine, taking up odd jobs (miner, farm worker, forest worker, goat grazer, fisher) but all the time trying to understand his people and their problems. Coming in the course of travels to Dalli Rajhara, he was married to Asha, who worked in a mine, and henceforth they also became partners in various struggles. They had three children, predictably named Kranti (revolution), Mukti (liberation), and Jeet (victory). These family members have continued to make important contributions.
In the early phase of the struggle, workers could get some wage gains, but the question of avoiding unemployment caused by mechanization was a bigger challenge. Here Niyogi showed his great creativity and ability to respond to complex issues with innovative thinking. The foremost union led by Niyogi (Chhattisgarh Mines Shramik Sangh—CMSS) resisted heavy mechanization by arguing that the technology adopted by a country should be in keeping with the conditions prevailing in the country. Heavy machines and total mechanization may be all right for those countries where loss of jobs caused by them is not a problem, but not for a country like India where unemployment is a big issue. Documents prepared at that time by the union reveal a very appreciable understanding of the complex debate. This understanding is close to the understanding of Mahatma Gandhi, who had strongly argued against machines which disrupt and destroy livelihoods.
The CMSS prepared an alternative plan of partial mechanization which would protect jobs and also take care of quality control aspects. On this basis, the union was able to protect mining jobs for a longer period.
The anti-alcohol movement of the CMSS is still remembered as one of the largest collective voluntary giving up of alcohol, involving thousands of miners. This not only protected the health of workers and reduced domestic violence, but in addition led to the purchase of diverse goods by workers for themselves and their children, and thereby contributed to a sudden upswing in the local market after the workers had experienced a wage rise and given up liquor around the same time.
Successes of workers were annoying several dominant persons of the area, including liquor sellers. Things became even more difficult when Niyogi moved from the mining belt to the nearby Bhilai industrial belt to fight the battles of the workers employed by several leading private industrialists of the area. They were more aggressive towards workers and had closer relations with criminal mafias.
As a journalist, I had reported on several such attacks at that time. Niyogi realized that his own life was under threat. He even recorded a statement which indicated this. He then went with several workers to Delhi and met the President of India and others. On 28 September 1991, a hired goon fired on him when he was sleeping peacefully after a very tiring day. His death sent shock waves throughout the country. Workers gathered in huge numbers to bid a very tearful farewell to the leader they had loved so much, elders weeping endlessly like they had lost their own child.
While the first court hearing of this murder case sentenced two top industrialists along with three others to life imprisonment, they appealed successfully against this decision, finally going back to their luxury life quickly enough. Till as late as this year (2026), demands for justice in this case have been made.
The assassination of Niyogi was all the more tragic as Niyogi himself had striven hard to keep his movement largely non-violent despite grave provocations from time to time. His death was a very big blow to the spread of a very creative and innovative trade union movement, linked well to villages around industrial-mining belts, which had shown great promise. Niyogi died at the age of only 48, but his work still lives on in several struggles and efforts which draw inspiration from him.
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The writer is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His book Another Path Exists is dedicated to Niyogi Ji. His other recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, A Day in 2071, and Earth without Borders. His website is bharatdogra.in and his YouTube channel is Bharat Dogra | Save Earth Campaign
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