The Jammu and Kashmir Assembly elections, held in three phases from September 18 to October 1, 2024, were marked by high expectations, with the ruling National Conference (NC) campaigning on a platform of transformative change. The electoral rhetoric led many to believe that the new Assembly would usher in a revolutionary era of governance. However, the inaugural session of the Assembly has revealed a stark contrast between campaign promises and legislative reality. Rather than focusing on actionable governance, the political discourse has increasingly centered on structural limitations.
It is an undeniable fact that the J&K Assembly operates with significantly curtailed powers compared to its pre-2019 status under Article 370. However, the friction between the elected government and the bureaucracy raises serious democratic concerns. For instance, the intervention by the Chief Secretary and Law Secretary advising the Speaker to disallow the statehood resolution was highly unusual. In a functioning democracy, bureaucratic directives to the Speaker regarding legislative business undermine the independence of the legislature. J&K should not be setting a precedent for executive interference in legislative proceedings.
The ruling party’s resolution on statehood notably omitted references to Articles 370 and 35A. While the resolution faced opposition from the BJP, it also highlighted a shift in political stance, given Chief Minister Omar Abdullah’s past assertions that statehood was a shared agenda. Currently, the government frequently attributes its administrative hurdles to the denial of full statehood and the Lieutenant Governor's control over the Home Department. While these structural constraints are real, the elected government retains control over most other portfolios. This makes the delay in addressing internal administrative issues harder to justify solely on the grounds of Union Territory status.
Beyond the statehood debate, the government’s track record on core governance issues remains underwhelming. Critical matters, such as implementing the recommendations of the Reservation committee report, regularizing daily-wage employees, and addressing the release of prisoners, have seen little progress despite the government completing two years in office. Furthermore, recent policy decisions appear to prioritize political expediency over long-term welfare. The exemption of teachers (appointed up to December 2019) from the Teacher Eligibility Test (TET), for example, seems aimed at placating a specific vote bank, potentially at the cost of educational standards and the future of students.
Meanwhile, critical ground realities are being overlooked. During the assembly sessions, various student groups, including MBBS candidates demanding stipend enhancements and vocational teachers seeking direct recruitment rather than private outsourcing, staged protests. The government’s apparent distraction with political maneuvering has left these genuine, pressing grievances unaddressed.
Perhaps the most concerning development regarding the region's democratic health is the ruling party’s attitude toward transparency. Frustrated by unflattering videos of Assembly proceedings going viral on social media, the government has proposed restricting mobile phones inside the legislative house. The Education Minister’s suggestion to form a committee to "regulate" media within six months is particularly alarming. In a democracy, the public has a right to know how their representatives are functioning. Attempting to curb digital transparency under the guise of "regulation" contradicts the fundamental principles of accountability.
The electorate voted overwhelmingly for the NC not merely for administrative tweaks, but for a robust voice that would champion their interests. Instead, the current approach suggests a government overly cautious about antagonizing the Centre, resulting in a diluted legislative agenda and a reliance on political damage control.
Assembly sessions are funded by the public exchequer; they demand substantive debate and accountability, not just the expenditure of public money. As J&K navigates its unique constitutional status, the elected representatives must pivot from explaining what they cannot do to delivering on what they actually can.
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The author is a law student
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