Caste hegemony in the name of dharma: Temples, media, and state power

Dr. Ponnada Srinivas* 

The recent Nepal flash floods that killed thousands of pilgrims near the China-India-Bhutan border is not an isolated tragedy. The involvement of Isha Foundation and Jaggi Vasudev drew attention this time, but the 2013 Chardham floods that washed away 6,000 pilgrims—mostly Telugu-speaking—caused equally devastating pain. That most northbound pilgrims originate from South India, particularly Andhra and Tamil Nadu, raises uncomfortable questions about the economic and cultural dynamics at play.

Consider the numbers. Tamil Nadu alone has 79,154 temples. Karnataka has 61,232. Andhra Pradesh earns Rs 5,456 crores annually from Tirupati's TTD alone, plus Rs 47,152 crores from other temples. Kerala, despite its leftist reputation, houses the world's richest temple—Padmanabhaswamy, worth Rs 2 trillion. Maharashtra has over 70,000 temples. Yet Uttar Pradesh, with only 37,518 temples, draws maximum revenue from the South through pilgrimage circuits. The recent Prayag Kumbh generated Rs 3 lakh crores in days, according to Yogi Adityanath himself.

Hindu temples and festivals now constitute a Rs 20 lakh crore annual market—5% of India's GDP. This translates to roughly Rs 20 lakh per Brahmin family across approximately one crore families. This excludes the unaccounted income of purohits: the sambhavana collected directly on plates, separate from hundi collections and salaries. A purohit's fee for a single marriage ceremony, karma, or pindapradhan now exceeds Rs 1 lakh.

The Hindutva of today is not an empty slogan. It rests on a formidable economic foundation. When EWS discussions emerged, particularly regarding Telangana's Brahmin support programme, researchers Ashwani Deshpande and Ramachandran demonstrated that Brahmins ranked highest in income, job share, land ownership, and even toilet access. The unorganized Brahmins of India are neither poor nor powerless. They cannot be wished away.

Jotirao Phule was the first in modern India, after Buddha, to openly attack Brahmin dominance with data and narrative. In 1883, in his introduction to Cultivators Whip Cord, he wrote: "As almost all government departments are dominated by Brahmin bureaucrats... the Shudra farmers are exploited by the Bhat Priestly class." That exploitation continues today, manifesting as systematic negation of constitutional guarantees obtained by Scheduled Castes, Tribes, and OBCs.

Brahmins constitute two broad groups. In Andhra Pradesh, we call them Vaidika and Niyogi. Vaidika exclusively devote themselves to Hindu rituals; Niyogi pervade government policy-making, judicial pronouncements, and litigation. The secular Brahmins populate all political parties—Left, Congress, BJP, even Bahujan and Dalit parties. Their most crucial asset is total control over media of all categories, including social media. Political bureau decisions are written, if not dictated, by them. Consequently, we rarely see critical commentary on Brahmin dominance from political establishments they control.

How did Brahmins overpower the mighty Left, centrist Congress, and Shudra-OBC parties? Through a sophisticated network of Ashrams, Maths, Swamys, astrologers, psephologists, spokespersons, election managers, and content providers. When Vijay was elected in Tamil Nadu, the first controversial appointment was his personal Brahmin astrologer. After adjustments subsided the issue, the same forces gripped the government through puja, homam, and Hindu rituals.

Brahmins collect confidential information from both ruling and opposition parties by predicting the future, using agents embedded in government, media, and caste networks. They control through the language of priest, friend, adviser, and consultant. During the LTTE era, it was rumored that important Chennai media outlets and Brahmin politicians knew Prabhakaran's fate beforehand.

Another channel connects Aryan links with white supremacists and intellectual outlets—publishing houses, media agencies—all thoroughly Brahminised. The recent Sonia Gandhi biography controversy reveals Brahmin skeletons when examined closely.

The Brahmin social network, regardless of party affiliation, pursues a single agenda: Brahmin hegemony. Allegiance to Veda and Hindu scriptures is mandatory, even for atheists like Savarkar or leftists. The Brahmin Left weaves Vedic narratives with modern interpretations to prove they are "born great." Their writings are critiqued by other Brahmins, creating obscure theories to defend against Brahminical bashing. Trained from childhood in Vedangas—language and logic—they find it difficult to escape this clasp.

ICT professionals worldwide focus on establishing Vedic supremacy, even when history shows Hammurabi's code predates the Rigveda (1500 BCE by their own scholars' admission). In Andhra, leftist materialist historians increasingly weave Puranic stories as historical writing. Each Brahmin critique is followed by another Brahmin pushing the antiquity of Vedas, Mahabharat, and Ramayana, sidelining DNA evidence and Keeladi discoveries.

These intellectuals maintain absolute silence on contemporary issues: Modi, Mohan Bhagwat, and the moral degradation of collecting CSR funds and corporate Gurudakshina worth billions. From this fund, criminal activities including murders are allegedly financed, and Bhaktas receive attractive allowances. The economic clout of real estate in the name of Sanatana, yoga centers, and Art of Living leisure activities for corporates—with appreciation for exploitation and prayaschit packages—appears to be in trillions.

The ruling party and opposition, including some Left individuals, applaud these gurus' contributions through praise, texts, TV channels, and social media. Half of television time narrates Hindu ritual greatness, promising instant relief or punya. This results in stampedes, deaths, and overflowing hundi collections nationwide. The more Hindu dharma is propagated, the more devotees flock, pouring money into hundis and collection plates, fattening purohits.

Realizing the importance of these flocking humans—with no counter-view from left or secular forces keeping mum—ordinary politicians compete to attract devout Hindus. This competitive appeasement of Hindu symbols, gods, gurus, and establishments is a permanent income source. Manipulated cleverly, it makes Hindutva formidable yet dubious. Without addressing this competitive Brahmin appeasement, the contemporary impasse will only deepen—and the subaltern upsurge, represented by movements like the Cockroach Janata Party, will remain the only genuine challenge to this hegemony.

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*Social Activist, Andhra University, Visakhapatnam