Skip to main content

Lack of jobs: Uttarakhand's 68% 'returned migrants' want to go back, says survey

Returned migrants being tested at an entry point in Uttarakhand
By Jag Jivan 
A telephonic survey, conducted among 323 returned migrant workers in hill districts of Uttarakhand, has revealed that even though they have returned from the places they worked – mainly Mumbai, Delhi NCR, other districts of the state and Rajasthan – majority of the respondent (68%) would like go back to their destination places in the absence of employment opportunities in their native places of the state.
Revealing this, Prof IC Awasthi of the Institute for Human Development (IHD), Delhi, participating in a webinar, noting spatial and income disparities between hilly and plain districts in the state, said, of the of 323 the respondents, nearly two thirds were from the Kumaon region and one third from the Garhwal region, with majority of them being male migrants (90%) , and seven out of 10 in the age group 15-29 years.
Major of migration destinations, said the survey, was Maharashtra, mainly Mumbai (39%), followed by plain districts within the state (36%), Delhi NCR (10%), and Rajasthan (7%). Majority were engaged in informal low paid salaried jobs (81%) as cook and waiters, security guards in private companies etc., earning low wages and remunerations. The webinar was organized by the Delhi-based Impact and Policy Research Institute (IMPRI).
Prof Awasthi said, only a small proportion of respondents received benefits from the government, mainly due to lack of awareness of government relief schemes, even though the Palayan Aayog (Migration Commission) had been created by the Government of Uttarakhand to deal with the pandemic situation to rehabilitate the migrants who had returned by offering sustainable livelihood opportunities.
Participating in the webinar, Prof Balwant Singh Mehta, who is with IMPRI and IHD, said, over the last three decades, inter-state migration in the country has gone up almost twice from 27.3 million in 1991 to 42.3 million in 2001 and further gone up to 56.3 million in 2011. The Economic Survey 2016-17 estimated 80 million migrant workers, of which around 9 million workers migrate across states annually.
While pointing out that the state of origin of the migrants is mostly Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, with destination states mainly being relatively developed and industrialized Maharashtra, Delhi and Gujarat, Prof Mehta said, as for Uttarakhand, there existed a large number of what are called “ghost villages”. Referring to the official data, he revealed, as many as 734 hilly villages have become “uninhabited” after 2011.
Carved out from Uttar Pradesh in 2000 with an agenda to develop the hill regions of the erstwhile state, he said, even after 20 years of its creation, Uttarakhand’s majority of hill districts still lag behind their plain counterparts and there is huge economic disparity and inequality between the 10 hill districts and the three plain districts. As a result, a large number of people from hill districts out-migrate for better livelihood opportunities to either other parts of the states or places outside the state.
PM’s Gharib Kalyan Rozgaar Abhiyaan with an outlay of Rs 50,000 crore in 116 districts in six states has failed to take into account specificities of hill areas
Prof Mehta said, during the on-going pandemic and lockdown, one saw the images of migrants carrying luggage on heads, starving and exhausted, marching relentlessly only to return to their native places. Two months after the political drama, around 62 millions migrants registered to return, and many of these, who have returned to their native places, face new challenges and uncertain future.
A depopulated village before lockdown
While Prof Mehta estimated that over 1 lakh migrants have returned to hill districts during the last one month, Prof RB Bhagat, head, Department of Migration and Urban Studies, International Institute for Population Sciences, Mumbai, said, government sources claimed, around four lakh migrants had returned to Uttarakhand, adding, majority of migration is temporary in nature. Around 80% of migrants are from the informal sector, who earned low wages and remuneration without any social security.
While two government officials – Bikash Kumar Malick, assistant director, Ministry of Labour and Employment, Government of India, and Dr Manoj Kumar Pant, additional CEO, Centre for Public Policy and Good Governance, Government of Uttarakhand – praised government efforts to deal with the migrants crisis, Dr Arjun Kumar, director, IMPRI, said the Prime Minister’s Gharib Kalyan Rozgaar Abhiyaan scheme, announced on June 20, 2020 with an outlay of Rs 50,000 crore in 116 districts in six states, has failed to take into account specificities of hill areas.
Dr Kumar said, the scheme converges and harnesses many existing schemes, even as offering 25 different kinds of work, but targets the districts which have minimum capacity of 25,000 returned migrants. This, regretfully, excludes the hill districts. He proposed that the minimum capacity should be reduced from 25,000 to 10,000 for hill and northeastern districts, and at least Rs 5000 crore should be provided for hill districts in the PM’s scheme.
Prof Wendy Olsen, head, Department of Social Statistics, University of Manchester, UK, said, going back to villages or hills appears to be some kind of rescue for migrant workers and the belief that they would be safe in such areas after observing the due period of quarantine. She was curious to know how return migrants were sharing the family responsibility, both in farm and home.
Prof Irudaya Rajan, Professor, Centre for Development Studies, Thiruvananthapuram, described it a young male-dominated sample survey, though pointing out that most of them were petty salaried persons had not get their dues from their employers during the lockdown period. He called lockdown a state failure with migrants becoming the main victims. 
Among others who participated in the webinar included Simi Mehta, CEO and editorial director, IMPRI; Ramesh Joshi, survey coordinator and secretary, Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya Action and Research Society (DARS), Dehradun; Prof Utpal Kumar De, department of economics, North-Eastern Hill University (NEHU), Shillong; Prof Bharat Singh, department of economics, Satyawati College, University of Delhi; and Prof BS Butola, Centre for Study of Regional Development, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Comments

TRENDING

Gram sabha as reformer: Mandla’s quiet challenge to the liquor economy

By Raj Kumar Sinha*  This year, the Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj is organising a two-day PESA Mahotsav in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, on 23–24 December 2025. The event marks the passage of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), enacted by Parliament on 24 December 1996 to establish self-governance in Fifth Schedule areas. Scheduled Areas are those notified by the President of India under Article 244(1) read with the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, which provides for a distinct framework of governance recognising the autonomy of tribal regions. At present, Fifth Schedule areas exist in ten states: Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Telangana. The PESA Act, 1996 empowers Gram Sabhas—the village assemblies—as the foundation of self-rule in these areas. Among the many powers devolved to them is the authority to take decisions on local matters, including the regulation...

MG-NREGA: A global model still waiting to be fully implemented

By Bharat Dogra  When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MG-NREGA) was introduced in India nearly two decades ago, it drew worldwide attention. The reason was evident. At a time when states across much of the world were retreating from responsibility for livelihoods and welfare, the world’s second most populous country—with nearly two-thirds of its people living in rural or semi-rural areas—committed itself to guaranteeing 100 days of employment a year to its rural population.

Policy changes in rural employment scheme and the politics of nomenclature

By N.S. Venkataraman*  The Government of India has introduced a revised rural employment programme by fine-tuning the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), which has been in operation for nearly two decades. The MGNREGA scheme guarantees 100 days of employment annually to rural households and has primarily benefited populations in rural areas. The revised programme has been named VB-G RAM–G (Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission – Gramin). The government has stated that the revised scheme incorporates several structural changes, including an increase in guaranteed employment from 100 to 125 days, modifications in the financing pattern, provisions to strengthen unemployment allowances, and penalties for delays in wage payments. Given the extent of these changes, the government has argued that a new name is required to distinguish the revised programme from the existing MGNREGA framework. As has been witnessed in recent years, the introdu...

Rollback of right to work? VB–GRAM G Bill 'dilutes' statutory employment guarantee

By A Representative   The Right to Food Campaign has strongly condemned the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB–GRAM G) Bill, 2025, describing it as a major rollback of workers’ rights and a fundamental dilution of the statutory Right to Work guaranteed under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). In a statement, the Campaign termed the repeal of MGNREGA a “dark day for workers’ rights” and accused the government of converting a legally enforceable, demand-based employment guarantee into a centralised, discretionary welfare scheme.

'Structural sabotage': Concern over sector-limited job guarantee in new employment law

By A Representative   The advocacy group Centre for Financial Accountability (CFA) has raised concerns over the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (VB–G RAM G), which was approved during the recently concluded session of Parliament amid protests by opposition members. The legislation is intended to replace the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

Making rigid distinctions between Indian and foreign 'historically untenable'

By A Representative   Oral historian, filmmaker and cultural conservationist Sohail Hashmi has said that everyday practices related to attire, food and architecture in India reflect long histories of interaction and adaptation rather than rigid or exclusionary ideas of identity. He was speaking at a webinar organised by the Indian History Forum (IHF).

India’s Halal economy 'faces an uncertain future' under the new food Bill

By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  The proposed Food Safety and Standards (Amendment) Bill, 2025 marks a decisive shift in India’s food regulation landscape by seeking to place Halal certification exclusively under government control while criminalising all private Halal certification bodies. Although the Bill claims to promote “transparency” and “standardisation,” its structure and implications raise serious concerns about religious freedom, economic marginalisation, and the systematic dismantling of a long-established, Muslim-led Halal ecosystem in India.

From jobless to ‘job-loss’ growth: Experts critique gig economy and fintech risks

By A Representative   Leading economists and social activists gathered in the capital on Friday to launch the third edition of the State of Finance in India Report 2024-25 , issuing a stark warning that the rapid digitalization of the Indian economy is eroding welfare systems and entrenching "digital dystopia."