The search for ideological substance in the Delhi Assembly elections scheduled for February 5, 2025, feels like searching for a needle in a haystack. However, this lack of ideology does not seem to bother the people of the nation's capital, which is also the center of power. This is despite Delhi/NCR being home to a large number of influential citizens, including serving and retired bureaucrats, jurists, legislators, intellectuals, journalists, and prominent figures from literature, art, culture, education, civil society, labor unions, and NGOs.
In a healthy democracy, elections should be more than just a battle for power. They ought to provide an opportunity for ideological debate among candidates, parties, and voters. However, such possibilities have been largely rejected in India’s corporate-driven political landscape. The ongoing campaign for the Delhi Assembly elections is dominated by announcements of freebies and promises of cash or material benefits to voters. In this sense, the 2025 elections can be described as a naked contest for power.
From an electoral perspective, this marks the second term of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in the Delhi Assembly. In 2013, prior to the 2015 elections, the AAP formed a government under Arvind Kejriwal’s leadership. During this period, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) held a majority in the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD). In the 2022 MCD elections, AAP won 134 seats, while BJP secured 104. The numbers suggest no significant difference in their respective strengths. Meanwhile, at the national level, the BJP continues to hold power, with the central government-appointed Lieutenant Governor playing a direct role in the administration of Delhi.
Since 2013, AAP and BJP have effectively shared power in Delhi. Therefore, even if the BJP replaces AAP in the Delhi Assembly, it would not signify a dramatic change. The status quo is likely to persist, regardless of which party emerges victorious.
At one point, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) held a significant voter base in Delhi, with its vote share reaching 14% and two MLAs elected in the 2008 assembly elections. However, the BSP’s base was eroded by AAP's rising popularity. Meanwhile, communist parties in Delhi have remained marginal, often relying on the so-called "Kejriwal revolution" for relevance. Other parties, including Owaisi’s AIMIM, lack significant electoral strength in the city. The Congress, although the largest party in Delhi after BJP and AAP, does not currently pose a serious challenge to the status quo.
In its campaign, Congress is invoking the legacy of Sheila Dikshit, who served three consecutive terms as Delhi’s Chief Minister before 2013. Congress’s social media campaigns credit her leadership for Delhi’s modern infrastructure and development, urging voters to support the party in her memory. However, some progressive and secular intellectuals dismiss Congress’s claims, arguing that supporting Kejriwal is essential to prevent a BJP victory. They particularly appeal to Muslim and secular voters, discouraging them from “wasting” their votes on Congress.
Interestingly, out of the nine seats Congress won in the 2022 MCD elections, seven were from Muslim-dominated areas. This resurgence among Muslim voters can be linked to their active participation in protests, such as the Shaheen Bagh movement against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and police brutality at Jamia Millia Islamia. Congress openly supported these protests, while AAP avoided direct involvement, opting instead for communal posturing during that period.
Some progressive intellectuals may believe that Congress should step aside in Delhi to strengthen the INDIA bloc's chances of defeating the BJP at the national level in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. However, Congress’s performance in Delhi has been consistently declining. From a vote share of 24.7% in the 2013 Assembly elections, it dropped to 9.7% in 2015 and just 4.3% in 2020.
Critics argue that the progressive intelligentsia played a role in Congress’s decline by endorsing the anti-corruption movement led by Anna Hazare and Arvind Kejriwal. This movement was framed as a historic uprising akin to the freedom struggle but eventually paved the way for the BJP’s rise at the national level and AAP’s dominance in Delhi. What some celebrated as a revolution turned out to be a counter-revolution, tightening the grip of communal politics on the nation. Despite AAP’s pro-corporate and communal politics, many intellectuals continue to align with Kejriwal, viewing him as a bulwark against BJP’s fascism. This ideological inconsistency raises serious concerns.
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The author, associated with the socialist movement, is a former teacher at Delhi University and a fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla
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