The Women’s Reservation Bill, mandating 33% of Lok Sabha seats for women, was passed in 2023 but remains unimplemented. Despite Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s public lament when the recent amendment fell, the fact is that the bill could have been operationalized in the 2024 elections with the necessary steps. Instead, the government linked its implementation to delimitation and expansion of Lok Sabha seats—an exercise requiring a two-thirds majority. Opposition parties, while supporting women’s reservation, opposed the amendment because of this linkage.
At the heart of the dispute lies the demographic imbalance between northern and southern states. With higher fertility rates in the north, delimitation would disproportionately increase representation for states where the BJP’s influence is strongest. Southern states, wary of losing political weight, resisted the move. The BJP has accused the opposition of humiliating women by blocking the amendment, but its professed support for women’s empowerment rings hollow when examined against its record.
Historically, the Indian National Congress (INC) has taken substantive steps toward women’s empowerment. From the freedom movement onward, women were integrated into the national struggle. Following the pioneering efforts of Jotiba and Savitribai Phule in women’s education, Congress leaders encouraged women’s participation in public life. Chayanika Shah notes that the INC has had women presidents, a woman prime minister, chief ministers, and a president. Rajiv Gandhi further advanced grassroots empowerment by ensuring women’s representation in Panchayati Raj institutions.
By contrast, the BJP’s record is marked more by rhetoric than action. Rooted in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), an all-male organization, its ideological framework has long resisted women’s equal participation. When Laxmibai Kelkar sought entry for women in 1936, she was directed to form a subordinate body—the Rashtra Sevika Samiti. The distinction between “swayamsevak” (volunteer) and “sevika” (servant) underscores the patriarchal hierarchy embedded in this worldview, consistent with the prescriptions of Manusmriti. RSS leaders have even suggested replacing the Constitution with Manusmriti, a text that enshrines women’s subordination.
This ideological bent is reflected in policy choices. In 2023, the Gandhi Peace Prize was awarded to Gita Press, Gorakhpur, lauded by Modi for its “commendable work.” Yet, as Akshaya Mukul’s study shows, Gita Press has disseminated texts glorifying women’s subservience, legitimizing domestic violence, and reinforcing patriarchal norms. BJP leaders have historically defended regressive practices: Vijaya Raje Scindia led a procession supporting sati after the Roop Kanwar incident, while Mridula Sinha once justified wife-beating and dowry in an interview.
Meanwhile, crimes against women remain staggering. NCRB data from 2021 show an average of 86 rapes daily and 49 cases of crimes against women every hour, with the rate of crimes rising from 56.3 per 100,000 in 2014 to 66.4 in 2022. Under BJP rule, high-profile cases—from Unnao to Kathua to Hathras—exposed systemic failures in addressing sexual violence. Complaints by women wrestlers against BJP MP Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh were ignored, while the plight of women in Manipur remains unspeakable.
The BJP’s attempt to link women’s reservation to delimitation is a calculated political move, not a genuine commitment to gender justice. If the government were serious, it would have implemented the 2023 bill without delay, using the existing strength of the Lok Sabha. The demand now must be clear: delink delimitation from women’s reservation and implement the bill immediately. Anything less is a betrayal of India’s women.
---
*Political commentator
Comments