Violence against the Muslim minority has been a regular phenomenon in India. Its form and intensity have varied over time, but intimidation has continued unabated. The other substantial minority, Christians, has also not been spared, though violence against them does not usually make headlines. The major reason for this is its largely sub-radar nature. However, though often under the radar, around Christmas its overt character becomes much more apparent.
One recalls that during the 1990s, violence against Christians manifested itself prominently in Odisha and Gujarat. It was around this time that then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee commented on the need for a “national debate” on conversion. Conversion has since been the principal pretext for attacking various aspects of Christian community life. Prayer meetings, church gatherings, and celebrations are the occasions most often targeted. This year, once again, the pattern became evident around Christmas.
The foot soldiers of Hindutva had a free run attacking footpath vendors selling Christmas-related items such as caps, dresses, and other merchandise. In some places, Santa Claus replicas were attacked; in others, churches and shops selling Christmas goods were vandalised. Columnist Tavleen Singh wrote in The Indian Express: “The more intrepid of these Hindutva warriors stormed into churches and disturbed services with vandalism and violence. Videos of these ‘accomplishments’ were uploaded on social media. In one of them, I saw a BJP legislator enter a church in Jabalpur and harangue a blind woman, whom she accused menacingly of trying to convert Hindus to Christianity… There were nearly a hundred attempts to disrupt Christmas festivities and nearly all of them occurred in states ruled by the BJP. Nobody was punished and no chief minister openly deplored the violence.”
These events were covered by the international media as well. Some commentators even raised concerns about the possibility of retaliatory violence against Hindus in other countries. What is striking about the response of Indian states to these incidents is their loud silence. It is no coincidence that most of this violence has occurred in BJP-ruled states. In a striking contrast, the Prime Minister visited a church and offered prayers. This created a peculiar spectacle: inside the church, the top Hindutva leader projected respect for Christianity, while on the streets his followers engaged in anti-Christian vandalism targeting churches and symbols of the faith.
A Citizens for Justice and Peace report dated December 24, 2025, succinctly summarises the dramatic rise in anti-Christian violence: “Between 2014 and 2024, documented incidents of violence against Christians rose from 139 to 834, an increase of over 500 percent. In 2025 alone (January–November), more than 700 incidents have already been recorded, affecting families, churches, schools, hospitals, and service institutions. Dalit Christians, Adivasi Christians, and women are among the most affected.” The US Commission on International Religious Freedom once again recommended designating India as a Country of Particular Concern in its 2025 report, citing serious concerns regarding religious freedom. Human Rights Watch and other bodies have also documented issues affecting minorities.
Christmas Eve violence is not new. A bishop recalled this while cautioning churches in Raipur. The Catholic Archbishop of Raipur, Victor Henry Thakur, expressed grave concern and wrote to local churches, schools, and institutions urging caution: “In the light of the call for a Chhattisgarh Bandh tomorrow, I feel and suggest that all our churches, presbyteries, convents, and institutions should seek protection in writing from the local police. Please consider my suggestion, because it seems to have been planned just before Christmas, as was the case in Kandhamal in Odisha.”
This brings to mind the violence around Christmas in Odisha in 2007 and 2008. The pogrom orchestrated in 2008 assumed massive proportions: nearly 70,000 Christians were forced to flee their homes, and close to 400 churches were vandalised.
In the face of such attacks, one might have expected the church hierarchy to voice strong concern. However, their silence on this grave issue suggests either a troubling lack of concern for their own community or some other vested interest in maintaining silence.
Meanwhile, state after state has adopted anti-conversion laws, misleadingly titled “Freedom of Religion Acts”. These laws impose severe restrictions on religious practice. Pastors and priests are arrested on the pretext of conversion activities and are forced to endure prolonged legal harassment.
The propaganda that Christians are aggressively converting others needs to be critically examined yet again. Christianity is an ancient religion in India, having arrived through St Thomas on the Malabar Coast in AD 52. The popular perception that it came solely with British rule has no factual basis. From AD 52 to 2011, when the last census was conducted, Christians constituted only 2.3 percent of the population. While it cannot be denied that some conscious conversion work has occurred, census data tells a revealing story: the Christian population percentage declined steadily—from 2.60 percent in 1971, to 2.44 percent in 1981, 2.34 percent in 1991, and 2.30 percent in 2001.
Pastor Graham Staines, who was burnt alive along with his sons Timothy and Philip on allegations of conversion, stands as a stark example of this manufactured hatred. The Wadhwa Commission, which investigated the gruesome crime, noted that there was no statistical increase in the Christian population in Keonjhar district, where Staines worked among leprosy patients.
Christian missionary educational institutions and hospitals are widely sought after. Conversions, where they have occurred, are more common among Adivasis and Dalits, many of whom access education and healthcare facilities in remote areas where state services are inadequate. It is true that some conversions may have taken place in the context of seeking such facilities, particularly in regions where alternatives are scarce.
Hatred built around the issue of conversion has now become widespread. Attacks on symbols and celebrations associated with Christianity are a deeply disturbing phenomenon. In such instances, the state machinery is either mute or conspicuously absent. This compliant or indifferent response is a major factor behind the gradual intensification of anti-Christian violence in its many forms. This year’s attacks serve as a warning signal, highlighting the silence and double-speak of the ruling dispensation—praying in churches on one hand, while allowing vandals free rein on the other. One hopes that international pressure, through government-to-government engagement, will compel meaningful responses to appeals for religious freedom.
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