Skip to main content

Socialist utopia challenging feudal and Brahminical systems: Kanwal Bharti on Sant Raidas’ vision of Begumpura

 
By Rajiv Shah 
In a controversial claim, well-known Dalit writer and columnist Kanwal Bharti has asserted that a clever Brahminical move appears to be behind the Guru Granth Sahib changing the name of the 15th-16th century mystic poet-saint of the Bhakti movement, Sant Raidas, to Sant Ravidas.
Bharti, who has authored books in Hindi on Periyar, Kabir, Kanshiram, Dalit literature, and casteism, quotes Chandrika Prasad 'Jigyasu', an anti-caste intellectual, as saying, "Changing Raidas to Ravidas is the Brahminization of Sant Pravar Raidas" in order to "promote" sun worship.
In an English translation of his article by S.R. Darapuri (IPS, Retd.), forwarded to Counterview, Bharti cites a verse by Raidas that envisions an imaginary city called Begumpura, reflecting a "fundamentally egalitarian," non-Vedic, and materialistic ideology of India.
Bharti paraphrases the verse (original below*) in the following words:
"O my brothers, I have found such a home—that is, I have discovered a system that, although still distant, is entirely just. There are no second- or third-class citizens in it; rather, everyone is equal. That country is always inhabited, where people can travel freely, pursue any profession or trade they choose, and face no restrictions based on caste, religion, or color. In that country, feudal lords do not hinder anyone’s development."
Stating that this verse is taken from Amritvani Satguru Ravidas Maharaj Ji, compiled by Sant Surinder Das of Dera Sachkhand Ballan, Jalandhar, Bharti explains, "In this verse, Raidas envisions a sorrow-free society, seeking liberation from the social system of his time. That vision is called Begumpura or Begumpur City."
Bharti adds, "In this verse, Raidas describes his ideal country—Begumpura—where there are no distinctions of high and low, rich and poor, or untouchability. There are no taxes, no personal property, no injustice, no fear, and no oppression."
According to Bharti, Raidas' idea of Begumpura is comparable to Sir Thomas More’s (1478–1535) Utopia, which is based on communist utopian thought. He states, "This work, while renewing Plato’s tradition, later became a source of inspiration for the development of communist utopian worlds after the sixteenth century."
He continues, "Utopia is an imaginary island described by the Portuguese traveler Raphael Hythloday, who critiques the systemic flaws of feudal society in England and Western Europe while praising the ideal communist system of the island. More’s Utopia became so influential that it set a global standard for idealistic imagination."
Similarly, Raidas' Begumpura describes a city where residents "are free from sorrow. If Utopia was written in response to the feudal system of England, Begumpura emerged as a reaction to the cruel state system and Brahminical social order of the Sultanate period. In Begumpura, there is neither worry nor fear," says Bharti.
Begumpura, Bharti notes, reflects the many concerns of common people under the Sultanate's rule, where fear was pervasive, and one never knew when they might be arrested for an unnamed crime. Under the Sultan’s rule, taxes were imposed, the most significant being Jaziya, levied on non-Muslims.
Bharti continues, "The fear of the Jaziya tax was so great among non-Muslims, especially poor and less-educated Hindus, that many converted to Islam to escape it. In fact, numerous poor Hindus improved their social status by becoming Muslims to avoid Jaziya."
Pointing out that "in Begumpura, there are no property owners, nor are there second- or third-class citizens, as all are of equal status," Bharti explains, "During the Sultanate period, landlords, jagirdars, and landowners existed in abundance. Muslims were considered superior, Hindus inferior, and Dalit-Shudras were treated as third-class citizens."
To Raidas, Begumpura is a land of intelligent people who live happily and fulfill their basic needs. This, Bharti argues, highlights "the poverty and scarcity that plagued common people during the Sultanate period. Despite their hard work, they struggled to meet their fundamental needs."
Furthermore, in Begumpura, "residents are free to move anywhere, unrestricted by the authority of royal palaces," a statement that, Bharti suggests, "alludes to the untouchability restrictions of that time, which prohibited Dalit castes from accessing many Hindu temples, wells, ponds, and inns—even during the Sultanate period."
All of this, Bharti contends, demonstrates that "Raidas was not just a poet but also a social thinker and an economist." He emphasizes, "It is worth noting that no other Hindu saint-poet of the Bhakti period envisioned anything like Begumpura."
Bharti believes that Raidas' vision directly challenged the prevailing social order, which held that wealth and poverty were determined by the karma of past lives. In this system, "Brahmins were revered and received vast land donations, Kshatriyas were landowners, and Vaishyas were traders—all of whom owned private property."
Conversely, in the system detested by Raidas, "Shudra-Atishudras could not meet their basic needs—food, clothing, and shelter—even after working tirelessly. The caste system created extreme wealth for some and extreme poverty for others, a reality vividly described by Kabir," says Bharti.
Bharti states that Raidas belonged to the Chamar caste, and his family was responsible for disposing of dead animals in and around Banaras. As someone born into such a family, "it was natural for Raidas to experience poverty and untouchability—a condition that people mocked."
Kanwal Bharti
During those times, Bharti explains, deities in temples were believed to become impure if touched by an untouchable; roads were considered tainted if they walked on them; food and water were defiled by their touch; Brahmins refused to drink Ganges water from vessels owned by lower castes; and being born into an untouchable family was an unforgivable offense.
Drawing a parallel with Raidas, Bharti references Dr. Ambedkar, who stated that the Hindu code criminalized the following for untouchables:
  1. Living separately from upper-caste Hindus
  2. Building houses only in the south
  3. Ensuring their shadow did not fall on an upper-caste Hindu
  4. Owning no property (money, land, or animals)
  5. Keeping their houses roofless
  6. Wearing no clean clothes, shoes, watches, or gold jewelry
  7. Avoiding names that suggested high status
  8. Never sitting on a chair before an upper-caste HindNever riding a horse or traveling in a palanquin
  9. Never leading a wedding or festival procession
Bharti asserts, "If these rules were violated, the entire colony of untouchables was punished. Forced labor was their fate, as vividly depicted by Premchand in his story Sadgati. Any upper-caste person could seize an untouchable for unpaid labor."
To Raidas, Bharti suggests, forced labor was so oppressive that even if a cobbler did not know how to mend shoes, he would be compelled to do so. At that time, there were two power centers: royal authority and religious authority. Hindu religious power was controlled by Brahmins, while Islamic religious power was held by Qazis and Mullahs—both of whom influenced the state but remained free from its interference.
Against this backdrop, Bharti argues, "Raidas' Begumpura should not be seen as a product of spiritual experience but as a powerful critique of the feudal system of his time." He concludes, "It is a remarkable coincidence that both More and Raidas were contemporaries—More died in 1535, and Raidas in 1520. Both were among the first in history to imagine an ideal socialist society."
Notably, Raidas' socialist vision of Begumpura deeply influenced Dr. Ambedkar, who regarded Raidas as his guru.
---
*बेगमपुरा सहर को नाउ, दुखु-अंदोहु नहीं तिहि ठाउ
ना तसवीस खिराजु न मालु, खउफुन खता न तरसु जुवालु
अब मोहि खूब बतन गह पाई, ऊहां खैरि सदा मेरे भाई
काइमु-दाइमु सदा पातिसाही, दोम न सोम एक सो आही
आबादानु सदा मसहूर, ऊहाँ गनी बसहि मामूर
तिउ तिउ सैल करहिजिउ भावै, महरम महल न को अटकावै
कह ‘रविदास’ खलास चमारा, जो हम सहरी सु मीतु हमारा। 

Comments

TRENDING

Whither space for the marginalised in Kerala's privately-driven townships after landslides?

By Ipshita Basu, Sudheesh R.C.  In the early hours of July 30 2024, a landslide in the Wayanad district of Kerala state, India, killed 400 people. The Punjirimattom, Mundakkai, Vellarimala and Chooralmala villages in the Western Ghats mountain range turned into a dystopian rubble of uprooted trees and debris.

Election bells ringing in Nepal: Can ousted premier Oli return to power?

By Nava Thakuria*  Nepal is preparing for a national election necessitated by the collapse of KP Sharma Oli’s government at the height of a Gen Z rebellion (youth uprising) in September 2025. The polls are scheduled for 5 March. The Himalayan nation last conducted a general election in 2022, with the next polls originally due in 2027.  However, following the dissolution of Nepal’s lower house of Parliament last year by President Ram Chandra Poudel, the electoral process began under the patronage of an interim government installed on 12 September under the leadership of retired Supreme Court judge Sushila Karki. The Hindu-majority nation of over 29 million people will witness more than 3,400 electoral candidates, including 390 women, representing 68 political parties as well as independents, vying for 165 seats in the 275-member House of Representatives.

Jayanthi Natarajan "never stood by tribals' rights" in MNC Vedanta's move to mine Niyamigiri Hills in Odisha

By A Representative The Odisha Chapter of the Campaign for Survival and Dignity (CSD), which played a vital role in the struggle for the enactment of historic Forest Rights Act, 2006 has blamed former Union environment minister Jaynaynthi Natarjan for failing to play any vital role to defend the tribals' rights in the forest areas during her tenure under the former UPA government. Countering her recent statement that she rejected environmental clearance to Vendanta, the top UK-based NMC, despite tremendous pressure from her colleagues in Cabinet and huge criticism from industry, and the claim that her decision was “upheld by the Supreme Court”, the CSD said this is simply not true, and actually she "disrespected" FRA.

Gig workers hold online strike on republic day; nationwide protests planned on February 3

By A Representative   Gig and platform service workers across the country observed a nationwide online strike on Republic Day, responding to a call given by the Gig & Platform Service Workers Union (GIPSWU) to protest what it described as exploitation, insecurity and denial of basic worker rights in the platform economy. The union said women gig workers led the January 26 action by switching off their work apps as a mark of protest.

'Condonation of war crimes against women and children’: IPSN on Trump’s Gaza Board

By A Representative   The India-Palestine Solidarity Network (IPSN) has strongly condemned the announcement of a proposed “Board of Peace” for Gaza and Palestine by former US President Donald J. Trump, calling it an initiative that “condones war crimes against children and women” and “rubs salt in Palestinian wounds.”

With infant mortality rate of 5, better than US, guarantee to live is 'alive' in Kerala

By Nabil Abdul Majeed, Nitheesh Narayanan   In 1945, two years prior to India's independence, the current Chief Minister of Kerala, Pinarayi Vijayan, was born into a working-class family in northern Kerala. He was his mother’s fourteenth child; of the thirteen siblings born before him, only two survived. His mother was an agricultural labourer and his father a toddy tapper. They belonged to a downtrodden caste, deemed untouchable under the Indian caste system.

Stands 'exposed': Cavalier attitude towards rushed construction of Char Dham project

By Bharat Dogra*  The nation heaved a big sigh of relief when the 41 workers trapped in the under-construction Silkyara-Barkot tunnel (Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand) were finally rescued on November 28 after a 17-day rescue effort. All those involved in the rescue effort deserve a big thanks of the entire country. The government deserves appreciation for providing all-round support.

MGNREGA: How caste and power hollowed out India’s largest welfare law

By Sudhir Katiyar, Mallica Patel*  The sudden dismantling of MGNREGA once again exposes the limits of progressive legislation in the absence of transformation of a casteist, semi-feudal rural society. Over two days in the winter session, the Modi government dismantled one of the most progressive legislations of the UPA regime—the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

MGNREGA’s limits and the case for a new rural employment framework

By Dr Jayant Kumar*  Rural employment programmes have played a pivotal role in shaping India’s socio-economic landscape . Beyond providing income security to vulnerable households, they have contributed to asset creation, village development, and social stability. However, persistent challenges—such as seasonal unemployment, income volatility, administrative inefficiencies, and corruption—have limited the transformative potential of earlier schemes.