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Dalit intellectual Sanjeev Khudshah speaks up on Supreme Court’s reservation verdict

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* 
A Conversation with Ambedkarite writer Sanjeev Khudshah...
Sanjeev Khudshah was born on 12 February 1973 in Bilaspur, Chhattisgarh. He is considered one of the top Dalit writers in India. His works have been published in nearly all major national newspapers and magazines. Some of his most notable books include Safai Kamgar Samuday (published by Radhakrishna Prakashan), Aadhunik Bharat Mein Pichhda Varg (Shilpayan), and Dalit Chetna Aur Kuchh Zaroori Sawal (also by Shilpayan). He is the Editor-in-Chief of the YouTube channel DMA India Online. Sanjeev is currently pursuing a PhD in Journalism and has also studied law. Most importantly, he belongs to one of the most marginalized communities among the deprived groups, making his perspective especially significant.
Having joined the Ambedkarite movement years ago and committed to awakening the Dalit community through his writing, Sanjeev finds himself pained today — because he welcomed the Supreme Court’s decision on sub-categorizing Scheduled Castes. This conversation explores his struggles and the social dynamics triggered by this issue of sub-categorization.
***
You have been an integral part of the Ambedkarite movement and have always been active in promoting Babasaheb's mission. You’ve advocated Dalit unity on your platforms and others', yet today you’re under attack for supporting the Supreme Court’s decision on sub-categorization of extremely marginalized Dalit castes. First, tell us what kind of attacks you're facing and from whom?
Sanjeev: Actually, I’m not supporting "extremely marginalized Dalits" per se — I’m supporting those who are truly deprived. Today, backward Dalits, whom we can also call Mahadalits or extremely marginalized, are still far behind and have not received access to necessary resources. I believe it is my responsibility, as a thinker and intellectual, to voice the truth. I’ve said on many platforms that both forward Dalits and backward Dalits must engage in dialogue — we need to discuss why some are still left behind. There’s no denying that a large number of Dalit communities remain backward.
I’m being called ignorant, an agent of the RSS or BJP. My intellectual capability is being questioned — and, sadly, by those close to me, with whom I’ve participated in various movements. It hurts, because they’re not even willing to listen to my point of view.
After being active for so many years, do you feel that our leaders and intellectuals haven’t moved beyond their own caste interests?
Sanjeev: The August 21 protest clearly reveals that the Dalit movement has become a movement of only a few castes, who care only about their own interests. They’re not willing to even consider or listen to the concerns of other Dalit communities. Look at Ambedkar Jayanti events — they’re titled "Public Ambedkar Jayanti Celebrations", but all the organizers and office bearers come from a single caste. They divide up government funds among themselves, not including anyone else. And now, these very people are saying Dalits are being divided — when in reality, they themselves are the ones doing the dividing.
The same is true of Buddha Vihars across the country — which have turned into caste-based community centers rather than spiritual or egalitarian spaces.
You’ve called Buddha Vihars caste-based community centers. Isn’t that an exaggeration? Today, even backward castes are embracing Buddhism. Many Bhantes and monks come from diverse communities. Why do you feel Buddha Vihars have become caste enclaves?
Sanjeev: Buddha Vihars should have been part of Dr. Ambedkar’s dream project. He had many dreams, but two were core: annihilation of caste and equal representation for all. But instead of working toward caste annihilation, people locked up the Buddha Vihars — symbolically and literally — for outsiders. You can tell which caste controls a Vihar just by looking at the photographs displayed there.
When you were being criticized, did you feel the questions you raised were legitimate?
Sanjeev: Yes. I reflected on the criticism deeply, and I’m convinced that the stand I’ve taken and the questions I’ve raised are absolutely valid.
What is your opinion on the Supreme Court's decision regarding sub-categorization?
Sanjeev: Two main issues were raised in the Supreme Court: creamy layer and sub-categorization. I disagree with the creamy layer concept for Dalits — because Dalit problems stem from untouchability and discrimination, not just poverty. Reservation is about representation, not poverty eradication. It must continue as long as inequality persists.
However, I view sub-categorization positively. I belong to the Domar community, a highly marginalized Dalit group. Valmikis and other sanitation worker castes still live and work under harsh conditions. Although they form a large part of the Dalit population eligible for reservation, they don’t get their fair share of jobs. Sub-categorization can ensure that these backward castes benefit too.
The accusations that this will divide Dalits are the same ones that upper castes made during the Communal Award. There’s nothing new in them.
The Dalit movement today seems deeply divided over this issue. Critics of the Supreme Court ruling feel their castes are being wrongly accused of hoarding benefits. On the other hand, ignoring the identities of other castes is also problematic. Have you felt that the voices of these communities are not part of Ambedkarite politics or philosophy, even though you’ve always participated in mainstream events?
Sanjeev: Absolutely. Claiming that others are "snatching rights" is incorrect, but denying the backwardness of certain castes is also wrong. Just as previously untouchables progressed through reservation, now the most backward untouchables will also move forward if given separate quotas.
It’s shocking that forward Dalits aren’t even willing to listen to the voices of the truly marginalized — let alone support them. This is anti-Ambedkarite and anti-Constitutional. The Constitution says benefits must reach the last person. But today, these backward Dalit demands are not part of Ambedkarite politics. They continue to be ignored, even discriminated against. For example, the Bahujan Samaj Party has never raised the issues of sanitation workers.
As a writer, you’re expected to give society new direction — to stand for justice, even if alone. But is literature today unable to break caste structures? Intellectuals once shaped movements — now they merely describe them. Do you agree?
Sanjeev: Yes, I believe it’s my duty to stand for the deprived, even if I end up alone. Many backward Dalits are being misled by forward Dalits — victims of emotional blackmail. Forward Dalits were once our allies, but their current stance is deeply troubling. I never imagined they would protest against the most marginalized.
You wrote a book years ago about the sanitation worker communities. Did anyone else in recent times write about them? If not, why?
Sanjeev: That’s the problem. The Dalit movement has never tried to understand or even read about the problems of sanitation workers — let alone write about them. That’s why they remain unaware and uninterested in these communities. The protest against backward Dalits is proof of this.
They didn’t write about the sanitation workers because discrimination between these groups existed long before. The Supreme Court has simply highlighted these divisions. You can see them clearly during Ambedkar Jayanti programs and in Buddha Vihars.
Some claim that the sanitation worker community never supported Babasaheb Ambedkar — that they’re Hindus and vote for the BJP, and hence should be removed from SC quota and shifted to EWS. How do you respond?
Sanjeev: Only those who haven’t read Babasaheb say such things. Look at people like Ramratan Janorkar or Advocate Bhagwan Das. There are many such names. These communities have marched step by step with Babasaheb. They should read Babasaheb Aur Bhangi Jatiyan by Bhagwan Das.
If you discriminate against your own brother and push him away, he will naturally turn to those who show him care — even if their intentions are different. The RSS has reached out and shown interest, even if strategically. But what have forward Dalits done for their marginalized brothers — other than organize protests against them?
Bringing up BJP votes is absurd. Look at the MPs from SC-reserved seats — most are from forward Dalit castes, not marginalized ones.
After so many years in the Ambedkarite movement, do you feel that intellectuals lost a great opportunity to unite all Dalits?
Sanjeev: Yes, absolutely. Forward Dalit intellectuals missed a huge opportunity after the Supreme Court verdict. They should have initiated dialogue with backward Dalit leaders and thinkers. Instead, they insulted and abused them on social media — worse than what even upper castes do. Just look at Ramesh Bhangi’s Facebook posts — shouldn’t atrocities cases be filed for such abuse?
In the era of social media, has it become a tool to fuel hatred rather than bridge gaps? Many are now talking about ending reservation altogether — but they stayed silent when attacks on reservation began post-1990.
Sanjeev: Yes, upper castes took advantage of this situation. And forward Dalits added fuel to the fire.
Tell us about your personal background.
Sanjeev: I grew up with caste identity. Discrimination was a part of daily life. We lived through poverty and struggle. Education played a crucial role in my journey. Especially after discovering Ambedkar, I learned to distinguish between my oppressors and allies. Since then, I’ve devoted my life to introducing others to Babasaheb.
When did you come into contact with Ambedkarism?
Sanjeev: My maternal uncle worked with Kanshi Ram during the formation of BAMCEF. He once gave me a book with Ambedkar’s biography — I must have been 10 or 12 years old. He was a staunch Ambedkarite. My father also credited Ambedkar for our modest progress. Reading that biography changed me — it inspired me to become educated like Babasaheb. And I kept moving forward through education.
Given the widening divide among communities today, how can it be bridged? Who should take the initiative, and why?
Sanjeev: The only solution is dialogue. I believe: "Conversations create connection." Regular conversation is key to closing gaps. It’s the responsibility of forward Dalits to understand and address the problems of backward Dalits — and set aside self-interest.
Have you ever felt you were in the wrong place — especially when people began blaming the most marginalized instead of standing with them?
Sanjeev: Yes. When it was time to stand with the marginalized, so-called Ambedkarites among the forward Dalits chose to blame them instead. That’s not what Ambedkarism or the Constitution teaches. The Constitution says resources, opportunities, and justice must reach the last person.
Is sub-categorization of reservation dividing castes?
Sanjeev: I disagree. Dr. Ambedkar himself categorized society — Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Other Backward Classes. Was that division? No. Categorization simply shows where more work is needed. If a community considers itself capable, it should welcome categorization — not fear it. If you say categorization is wrong, are you saying Dr. Ambedkar was wrong?
What message do you have for Ambedkarite intellectuals and writers?
Sanjeev: I urge all Ambedkarite thinkers and writers not to abandon each other in these difficult times. Don’t insult one another. Understand the problems of marginalized Dalits and stand by them. Disagreement is fine — but it should not become personal hatred.
Just now, there's news that members of Bhim Army assaulted some Valmiki caste members over the Supreme Court’s decision. How should Ambedkarites and intellectuals respond to reduce animosity?
Sanjeev: At such times, it is essential for Ambedkarite thinkers and leaders to step forward and promote dialogue and unity.
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*Human Rights Defender. Facebook: VB Rawat, Twitter: @freetohumanity

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