Skip to main content

Forced child labour rampant in Uttar Pradesh sugarcane fields: Oxfam study

By Rajiv Shah
A 14-year-old boy and his older brother were hired by an agent from Bihar under the pretext of getting them a job in a shoe factory in Uttar Pradesh. The agent brought with him a dozen-odd to Uttar Pradesh under the pretext of offering work to them in a factory. Only upon arrival in Muzaffarnagar, the boys were told that they would be working in a sugarcane field.
The farmer who hired the two brothers upon knowing that they have been cheated agreed to release both of them if their families could pay back Rs 10,000, which he had already paid as commission to the agent. Since the family did not have the resources to return this money, the younger sibling was left behind to work and compensate for the commission paid to the agent.
The boy had to agree to work at a meagre salary of Rs 2000 per month, with a total of five months of unpaid work, to repay the commission, says a study, which cites the incident as an example of prevalence of child labour in Uttar Pradesh.
Released by the high-profile NGO Oxfam India, and titled “Human Cost of Sugar: A farm-to-mill assessment of sugar supply chain in Uttar Pradesh”, the study quotes farmers as stating that “children in the age group 12-16 years, are brought by labour agents from Bihar, Chhattisgarh, and Madhya Pradesh”, adding, they are “are either unpaid or underpaid”.
Pointing out that migrant children were found to be working in sugarcane fields in Muzaffarnagar and Meerut, the study, authored by Shankhamala Sen of the Association for Stimulating Know-how (ASK), with inputs from Namit Agarwal and Pooja Adhikari (Oxfam), finds “several forms of exploitation faced by the child migrant workers, as shared by farmers and local villagers.”
The study says, “The child migrant workers living in the private space of the farmers’ houses are often abused verbally and physically. In some cases the farmers do not provide adequate food to these children, forcing them to run away from their jobs and village due to extremely abusive conditions.”
Stating that “false information” is provided about “nature of work at the time of hiring”, the study says, “Children are often hired by agents under false pretext of jobs in factories and sweatshops in Uttar Pradesh. They or their parents get to know about the actual nature of work, only on arriving at the village farms.”
It adds, “The agents pay lump sum advance money to the parents while hiring the children, due to which the parents are unable to withdraw the children from the work. The farmers also pay a commission to the agents due to which they try to recover the cost for as long as possible by making the children work, even after they get to know that the children have been hired under such false pretext.”
Asserting that the child workers are paid “extremely low wages”, the study says, “The wages received by the child workers is extremely low ranging between Rs 2,000 to Rs 5,000 per month. The children or their families usually have no bargaining power in this matter as it is always the agents who negotiate their wages with the farmers.”
It adds, “The agents do not care about their salaries because the commission is fixed irrespective of the salary amount that is committed by the farmers for these children. Hence, children end up working under such severe forms of exploitation for such small amounts of money.”
Then, says the study, there is “non-payment of salary by the agents”, noting that “the farmers often handover the entire salary of the child workers to the agents at the end of the season. Often there are instances when the agents do not give the money to the child workers or their families and abscond with it.”
In fact, it adds, “The children and their families do not receive any payment in such cases, after 8-9 months of hard work in the sugarcane fields.”
Referring to the simultaneous prevalence of bonded labour in sugarcane fields in Uttar Pradesh, the study gives cites the example of a respondent from Muzaffarnagar, a worker “who wanted a loan of Rs 5 lakh to build a new house. He offered to work for a farmer in exchange of this loan unsure of the rate of interest he would be charged. The worker agreed to work at a daily wage of Rs 200.”
“In this arrangement”, the study says, “It would take him 6.8 years to repay only the principal amount of the loan, with the interest amount being over and above that.”
The study finds that the government departments “are understaffed at the district level”, and the “labour inspectors do not have the time and resources to monitor the various labour practices at the farm level whether pertaining to child labour, forced labour or other violations.”

Comments

Uma said…
This is not happening only in UP. I believe Bihar is the leader in child labour and child abuse

TRENDING

Plastic burning in homes threatens food, water and air across Global South: Study

By Jag Jivan  In a groundbreaking  study  spanning 26 countries across the Global South , researchers have uncovered the widespread and concerning practice of households burning plastic waste as a fuel for cooking, heating, and other domestic needs. The research, published in Nature Communications , reveals that this hazardous method of managing both waste and energy poverty is driven by systemic failures in municipal services and the unaffordability of clean alternatives, posing severe risks to human health and the environment.

Economic superpower’s social failure? Inequality, malnutrition and crisis of India's democracy

By Vikas Meshram  India may be celebrated as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, but a closer look at who benefits from that growth tells a starkly different story. The recently released World Inequality Report 2026 lays bare a country sharply divided by wealth, privilege and power. According to the report, nearly 65 percent of India’s total wealth is owned by the richest 10 percent of its population, while the bottom half of the country controls barely 6.4 percent. The top one percent—around 14 million people—holds more than 40 percent, the highest concentration since 1961. Meanwhile, the female labour force participation rate is a dismal 15.7 percent.

From colonial mercantilism to Hindutva: New book on the making of power in Gujarat

By Rajiv Shah  Professor Ghanshyam Shah ’s latest book, “ Caste-Class Hegemony and State Power: A Study of Gujarat Politics ”, published by Routledge , is penned by one of Gujarat ’s most respected chroniclers, drawing on decades of fieldwork in the state. It seeks to dissect how caste and class factors overlap to perpetuate the hegemony of upper strata in an ostensibly democratic polity. The book probes the dominance of two main political parties in Gujarat—the Indian National Congress and the BJP—arguing that both have sustained capitalist growth while reinforcing Brahmanic hierarchies.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

The greatest threat to our food system: The aggressive push for GM crops

By Bharat Dogra  Thanks to the courageous resistance of several leading scientists who continue to speak the truth despite increasing pressures from the powerful GM crop and GM food lobby , the many-sided and in some contexts irreversible environmental and health impacts of GM foods and crops, as well as the highly disruptive effects of this technology on farmers, are widely known today. 

History, culture and literature of Fatehpur, UP, from where Maulana Hasrat Mohani hailed

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a member of the Constituent Assembly and an extremely important leader of our freedom movement. Born in Unnao district of Uttar Pradesh, Hasrat Mohani's relationship with nearby district of Fatehpur is interesting and not explored much by biographers and historians. Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri has written a book on Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Fatehpur. The book is in Urdu.  He has just come out with another important book, 'Hindi kee Pratham Rachna: Chandayan' authored by Mulla Daud Dalmai.' During my recent visit to Fatehpur town, I had an opportunity to meet Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri and recorded a conversation with him on issues of history, culture and literature of Fatehpur. Sharing this conversation here with you. Kindly click this link. --- *Human rights defender. Facebook https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat , X @freetohumanity, Skype @vbrawat

UP tribal woman human rights defender Sokalo released on bail

By  A  Representative After almost five months in jail, Adivasi human rights defender and forest worker Sokalo Gond has been finally released on bail.Despite being granted bail on October 4, technical and procedural issues kept Sokalo behind bars until November 1. The Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) and the All India Union of Forest Working People (AIUFWP), which are backing Sokalo, called it a "major victory." Sokalo's release follows the earlier releases of Kismatiya and Sukhdev Gond in September. "All three forest workers and human rights defenders were illegally incarcerated under false charges, in what is the State's way of punishing those who are active in their fight for the proper implementation of the Forest Rights Act (2006)", said a CJP statement.

May the Earth Be Auspicious: Vedic ecology and contemporary crisis in Ashok Vajpeyi’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan*  Ashok Vajpeyi, born in 1941, occupies a singular position in contemporary Hindi poetry as a poet whose work quietly but decisively reorients modern literary consciousness toward ethical, ecological, and civilizational questions. Across more than six decades of writing, Vajpeyi has forged a poetic idiom marked by restraint, philosophical attentiveness, and moral seriousness, resisting both rhetorical excess and ideological simplification. 

Would breaking idols, burning books annihilate caste? Recalling a 1972 Dalit protest

By Rajiv Shah  A few days ago, I received an email alert from a veteran human rights leader who has fought many battles in Gujarat for the Dalit cause — both through ground-level campaigns and courtroom struggles. The alert, sent in Gujarati by Valjibhai Patel, who heads the Council for Social Justice, stated: “In 1935, Babasaheb Ambedkar burnt the Manusmriti . In 1972, we broke the idol of Krishna , whom we regarded as the creator of the varna (caste) system.”