Skip to main content

Remembering Sumit: A gentle, radical journalist, who tried to continue his father's legacy

By Rajiv Shah 
This is about Sumit Chakravartty, who passed away in Kolkata last Saturday. One of the most unassuming colleagues during my Patriot-Link days in Delhi, which lasted from 1979 to 1993, Sumit, as we would address him, was perhaps the most polite and soft-spoken among all others.
Upon his return from Moscow, where he served as Patriot-Link's foreign correspondent around the time I joined Link as a sub-editor on January 1, 1979—my first day as a journalist—Sumit took on the role of special correspondent, covering foreign affairs and the Left parties.
I remember Sumit as a deeply ideologically driven person, emotionally discussing workers' struggles on one hand and condemning "American imperialism" on the other, while unwaveringly defending the Soviet Union. So emotionally charged was he that, I recall, during a protest by Patriot-Link workers against the paper's transition to computers in the early 1980s—perhaps the first to do it in Delhi—Sumit was one of the few journalists who joined workers in shouting slogans against management. It's worth noting that a compromise was eventually reached, allowing linotype workers to be retrained for computers and move to a spacious, air-conditioned room.
After Sumit returned from Moscow, Vinod Taksal took his place, and after Vinod’s tenure ended, I was sent to Moscow. Before my departure in early 1986, Sumit (if I remember correctly, he had already left Patriot-Link to join The Daily by then) gave me valuable advice about Moscow. He invited me to his home and, as I was about to leave, handed me a sky-blue windcheater, saying it would be useful for the mild Moscow winter. "I don't have any use for it," he said, wishing me the best of luck with my new assignment.
A die-hard pro-Soviet and often quite vocal in criticizing the Left, too, Sumit knew most Communist leaders personally. Strongly critical of the BJP, his political reports were filled with emotionally charged terms like "imperialism," "fascism," "Left adventurism," and so on. However, in personal conversations, he was extremely polite and unusually eager to befriend everyone he met.
I had no interaction with him between 1986 and 1993, while I was working as a foreign correspondent in Moscow. On my return to India in April 1993, I was looking for opportunities, as Patriot-Link was financially struggling after veteran freedom fighter Aruna Asaf Ali, who controlled the papers, turned down an offer from the Ambanis to take over. As part of my search, I met Sumit.
By then, Sumit seemed to have taken over Mainstream weekly, a Left-of-center periodical that had been running for decades under the leadership of his father, Nikhil Chakravartty (1913–1998). After Nikhil's passing, the responsibility of running the weekly appeared to fall on Sumit.
In 1993, I met Sumit at the Mainstream office in Gole Market, Delhi. I asked if he could connect me with someone in Delhi’s media who could offer me a reasonable opportunity. He politely replied, "Sure! They need someone who understands foreign affairs, which you do, given your Moscow experience. I'll get back to you..."
Soon after, I met Dilip Padgaonkar, the editor-in-chief of The Times of India. Dilip had approached me in Moscow, but since I was already working full-time with Patriot-Link and the Times wanted a stringer, nothing worked out. "If not Moscow, why not Ahmedabad?" he asked me, and I agreed. I then moved to Ahmedabad, and, to my regret, I never reached out to Sumit again.
Searching for information about Sumit online was difficult. I found only two media obituaries—one by veteran journalist Anand Sahay in The Wire and another by VK Cherian in a Facebook post. Anand’s obituary offers a personal, impressionistic account of Sumit, while Cherian’s suggests that Sumit’s professional career was overshadowed by his father.
To quote Cherian, Sumit took over Mainstream after his father’s death in 1998 and transitioned it into a digital journal "as old funders, mostly his father's friends, dried up." Cherian went on to explain that under Nikhil’s leadership, Mainstream had been like the Seminar magazine of Romesh Thapar—intellectual, cerebral, and in-depth. Nikhil was a person who "used to have breakfast" with Indira Gandhi and PV Narasimha Rao when they were Prime Ministers. 
Cherian also mentioned that Nikhil had close ties with the Soviet establishment and was instrumental in sending CPI leaders on a submarine to meet Stalin in the 1950s. Sumit, too, had witnessed that secret entry as a boy. Cherian noted that while Nikhil had no shortage of funding, Sumit had the significant burden of maintaining his father’s legacy and securing funding, which is why the weekly transitioned to a digital edition.
Sumit’s mother, Renu Chakravartty (1917–1994), was also a prominent figure in the Left movement. A women’s leader and a member of Parliament from the Communist Party of India in the 1950s and 1960s, she played a crucial role in the movement.
So who will edit Mainstream now? It was a one-person army under Sumit. I don't know  about the future of a journal originally founded by Nikhil Chakravartty, a doyen of Indian journalism. I tried searching the site to find out if a detailed obituary of Sumit exists on it, but to no avail. 

Comments

TRENDING

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

​ By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  ​The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative   Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks. 

Beyond Lata: How Asha Bhosle redefined the female voice with her underrated versatility

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The news of iconic Asha Bhosle’s ‘untimely’ demise has shocked music lovers across the country. Asha Tai was 92 years young. Normally, people celebrate a passing at this age, but Asha Bhosle—much like another legend, Dev Anand—never made us feel she was growing old. She was perhaps the most versatile artist in Bombay cinema. Hailing from a family devoted to music, Asha’s journey to success and fame was not easy. Her elder sister, Lata Mangeshkar, had already become the voice of women in cinema, and most contemporaries like Shamshad Begum, Suraiya, and Noor Jehan had slowly faded into oblivion. Frankly, there was no second or third to Lata Mangeshkar; she became the first—and perhaps the only—choice for music directors and all those who mattered in filmmaking. Asha started her musical journey at age 10 with a Marathi film, but her first break in Hindustani cinema came with the film "Chunariya" (1948). Though she was not the first choice of ...

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor*  Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar*   Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

Midnight weeping: The sociology of tragic vision in Badri Narayan’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan*  Badri Narayan, a distinguished Hindi poet and social scientist, occupies a unique position in contemporary Indian intellectual life by bridging the worlds of creative literature and critical social inquiry. His poetic journey began significantly with the 1993 collection 'Saca Sune Hue Kaï Dina Hue' (Truth Heard Many Days Ago). As a social historian and cultural anthropologist, Narayan pioneered a methodological shift away from elite archives toward the oral traditions and folk myths of marginalized communities. He eventually legitimized "folk-ethnography" as a rigorous academic discipline during his tenure as Director of the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute.  

Why link women’s reservation to delimitation? The unspoken political calculus

By Vikas Meshram*  April 16, 2026, is likely to be recorded as a special day in the history of Indian democracy. In a three-day special session of Parliament, the central government is set to introduce a comprehensive package of three historic bills: the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Delimitation Bill, 2026; and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. The stated purpose of all three is the same: to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (106th Constitutional Amendment) passed in 2023. However, the political intent concealed behind these measures — and their impact on the federal balance — is far more profound. It is absolutely essential to understand this.

Catholic union opposes FCRA amendments, warns of threat to Church institutions

By A Representative   The All India Catholic Union (AICU) has raised serious concerns over what it describes as growing threats to religious freedom, minority rights, and constitutional safeguards in India, warning that recent policy and legislative trends could undermine the country’s secular and federal framework.

'It's power grab, not reform': Uttarakhand hills fear marginalization under new delimitation

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The proposed delimitation bill, coupled with the women’s reservation bill, is a calculated attempt to divert attention during state elections while laying the groundwork for long-term power consolidation through a north Indian hegemony. India’s constitution-making process was arduous, but it was guided by leaders deeply committed to unity and integrity. They ensured no community felt betrayed, and the foundation of modern India was laid on inclusivity. Any attempt to alter this balance must be approached with caution and respect for that legacy.