Skip to main content

Of European luxury house Prada versus Kolhapuri chappals, symbol of India’s artisan pride

By Gajanan Khergamker 
When the heritage-laden Kolhapuri chappal—a symbol of India’s artisanal pride—met with the polished branding of global fashion house Prada, the clash was not just of cultures but of the very concept of intellectual ownership. Yet, in the hallowed halls of the Bombay High Court, the matter seemed less about right and wrong and more about the locus of who could cry foul.
In what may appear to the layperson as a textbook David versus Goliath scenario, the Kolhapuri chappal, awarded a Geographical Indication (GI) tag in 2019, found itself allegedly replicated by Prada in the luxury label’s new men’s line of sandals, marketed with the panache expected of a global fashion brand but without any acknowledgement of its ethnic source. 
At first blush, it may seem far-fetched—a European luxury house like Prada being pitted against the rustic, handcrafted Kolhapuri chappal, steeped in the cultural soil of Maharashtra and Karnataka. But beneath the patent leather sheen of global fashion lies a simmering tussle, as indigenous heritage grapples with the branding juggernaut of high fashion.
The matter, rooted in a growing unease over the unbridled commodification of India's cultural assets, culminated in legal scrutiny when a Public Interest Litigation was filed before the Bombay High Court. The PIL levelled serious allegations against Italian luxury fashion house Prada S.p.A, asserting that the brand had commercially exploited the term ‘Kolhapuri’—a Geographical Indication (GI) protected term—by launching an identical range of leather sandals. The petition argued that such usage by a foreign corporate entity, devoid of any connection to the historical or artisanal lineage of the Kolhapuri chappal, constituted a blatant infringement of the GI status conferred on the product under Indian law.
The petitioner contended that Prada’s use of the term was not just misleading to global consumers unfamiliar with the origin of the term but also posed a grave threat to the identity, distinctiveness and market share of the authentic Kolhapuri chappals handcrafted by traditional artisans in Maharashtra and Karnataka. The concern wasn't just about appropriation—it was about erosion. Erosion of identity. Of legacy. Of livelihood. The unchecked commodification of a traditional Indian craft by a multinational luxury giant, the petitioner argued, diluted the value of the GI itself and laid the groundwork for a global precedent where similar violations could be normalised.
However, the Bombay High Court, while not questioning the legitimacy of the concern, dismissed the petition on purely procedural grounds. The Court observed that the petitioner was neither a registered proprietor nor a recognised beneficiary under the provisions of the Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1999. Lacking any demonstrable personal injury or representative capacity on behalf of an aggrieved party, the petitioner, the Court held, lacked locus standi to maintain the action.
Now, while the dismissal may appear to be a technical formality to the uninitiated, in the domain of cultural intellectual property law, it signals a far deeper malaise. The ruling underscores the Achilles’ heel in India’s IP enforcement regime: procedural access. Here, even a clearly visible cultural infringement, bordering on exploitative appropriation, may remain unaddressed unless the complainant ticks a stringent set of statutory boxes. Ironically, while the GI Act was framed to protect community-held cultural products from misappropriation, the same legal regime restricts the very community from approaching the judiciary unless they are individually registered or authorised.
The Court’s stance, although legally sound, exposes a chasm in implementation—where the spirit of the law falls short of its application. The judgement highlights an urgent need for legal reform that allows public-spirited citizens or advocacy groups to act as custodians of community-owned intellectual property, especially in instances where traditional stakeholders lack the resources or the institutional support to pursue litigation. Until such progressive reforms are undertaken, cultural artefacts—no matter how significant—will remain vulnerable to corporate poaching, and the courts, though sympathetic, will remain bound by the shackles of procedural law.
The Kolhapuri chappal was registered under Application No. 169 in Class 25 (Footwear) and accorded GI status on May 4, 2009. The registered proprietors—Sant Rohidas Leather Industries and Charmakar Development Corporation Ltd. (LIDCOM) of Maharashtra and Karnataka State Leather Industries Development Corporation (LIDKAR)—hold the legal baton.
However, the GI Act is explicit: Only registered proprietors or authorised users have the standing to initiate legal action under Section 21. Any PIL, however well-meaning, must come from a legally-vested interest-holder. The High Court, in striking down the petition, underscored the sanctity of that rule—thereby reinforcing the procedural rigour expected of GI custodians.
The larger question, which remains unanswered, is whether Prada’s usage of the term Kolhapuri constitutes a deceptive trade practice. While Kolhapuri may, colloquially, denote a style of open-toe leather sandal, its GI protection restricts commercial use to those products manufactured in the notified regions of Maharashtra and Karnataka using traditional processes.
Prada’s production—presumably not made in Kolhapur nor by Charmakar artisans—could potentially violate the spirit, if not the letter, of the GI Act. The Act is meant not only to protect geographic authenticity but to ensure economic benefits reach traditional artisans.
And therein lies the paradox—global recognition with local dispossession.
LIDCOM and LIDKAR—the Sant Rohidas Leather Industries & Charmakar Development Corporation Ltd. of Maharashtra and its Karnataka counterpart, the Leather Industries Development Corporation of Karnataka Ltd.—are not merely government undertakings but custodians of an age-old artisanal tradition that traces its lineage to the very grassroots of India’s marginalised cobbler communities. As designated state instrumentalities, they shoulder the legal and moral responsibility to not just promote but defend the sanctity of the Geographical Indication (GI) status accorded to the Kolhapuri chappal, a heritage product jointly held by Maharashtra and Karnataka.
However, their role in the present controversy surrounding the luxury fashion house Prada’s alleged appropriation of the Kolhapuri design betrays a deafening silence. Despite the rising public outcry and media reportage, there is no trace of any official legal intervention—be it in the form of a cease-and-desist notice, a formal infringement proceeding, or even a publicly articulated objection—initiated by either LIDCOM or LIDKAR. Their inactivity doesn’t just reflect bureaucratic inertia; it signals a failure to uphold the very mandate under which these corporations were constituted. It creates a legal and cultural vacuum, effectively encouraging international brands to lift Indian traditional designs, rebrand them with Eurocentric marketing, and retail them globally at exponential markups, free from consequence.
This failure is compounded by the conspicuous absence of intervention from the Union Ministries that are, in fact, empowered and expected to act. The Ministry of Commerce and Industry, which oversees India’s GI Registry and intellectual property framework; the Ministry of Textiles, under whose aegis India’s crafts and artisan welfare schemes operate; and the Ministry of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSME), which vocally champions the cause of indigenous industries—all remain spectators in what is clearly a legal, cultural and diplomatic affront.
Had any of these ministries adopted a proactive stance—by initiating inquiries, issuing advisories to the GI tag holders, or even liaising with the Indian embassies abroad to raise trade concerns—the narrative might have shifted. Instead, the inertia displayed at both the state and central levels has left the matter to be reduced to a public interest litigation (PIL), filed by concerned private individuals who, while well-intentioned, were ultimately dismissed by the Bombay High Court for lacking locus standi.
What emerges is a stark disconnect: On one hand, the Government of India seeks to position traditional artisans and GI products as anchors of the “Make in India” and “Vocal for Local” campaigns. On the other, its own statutory arms and ministries fail to lift a finger when these very traditions face dilution at the hands of powerful international conglomerates. In such a vacuum, luxury fashion labels like Prada feel emboldened to repackage a Kolhapuri chappal—a symbol of centuries-old Dalit craftsmanship—as mere accessories to runway glamour, stripped of their identity, origin, and dignity.
This isn't simply a case of cultural appropriation; it's a case of institutional apathy dressed up in silence. And that silence, from quarters that are empowered to act, is not just unbecoming—it is complicit.
The Court’s reluctance to wade into cultural protection without solid legal footing reveals a broader judicial conservatism. Indian courts, while empathetic, remain bound by statutory mandates. The law, as it stands, prioritises authorised ownership over public emotion, and tangible harm over cultural symbolism.
That underscores the need for legislative reforms—perhaps a widened scope for representative legal action under the GI Act, or at least an empowered statutory body tasked solely with GI enforcement.
As Kolhapuri chappals walk the fine line between rustic tradition and designer mimicry, the onus falls squarely on state custodians like LIDCOM and LIDKAR to assert rights. Until they do, courts will remain restrained, and artisans will remain voiceless.
The Prada imbroglio is not merely about nomenclature. It is a battle for identity—between heritage rooted in soil and luxury stitched in boardrooms. And in this battle, the sole must not be lost to the soul.
---
A version of this appeared in The Draft here

Comments

TRENDING

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

​ By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  ​The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative   Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks. 

Beyond Lata: How Asha Bhosle redefined the female voice with her underrated versatility

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The news of iconic Asha Bhosle’s ‘untimely’ demise has shocked music lovers across the country. Asha Tai was 92 years young. Normally, people celebrate a passing at this age, but Asha Bhosle—much like another legend, Dev Anand—never made us feel she was growing old. She was perhaps the most versatile artist in Bombay cinema. Hailing from a family devoted to music, Asha’s journey to success and fame was not easy. Her elder sister, Lata Mangeshkar, had already become the voice of women in cinema, and most contemporaries like Shamshad Begum, Suraiya, and Noor Jehan had slowly faded into oblivion. Frankly, there was no second or third to Lata Mangeshkar; she became the first—and perhaps the only—choice for music directors and all those who mattered in filmmaking. Asha started her musical journey at age 10 with a Marathi film, but her first break in Hindustani cinema came with the film "Chunariya" (1948). Though she was not the first choice of ...

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor*  Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar*   Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

Midnight weeping: The sociology of tragic vision in Badri Narayan’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan*  Badri Narayan, a distinguished Hindi poet and social scientist, occupies a unique position in contemporary Indian intellectual life by bridging the worlds of creative literature and critical social inquiry. His poetic journey began significantly with the 1993 collection 'Saca Sune Hue Kaï Dina Hue' (Truth Heard Many Days Ago). As a social historian and cultural anthropologist, Narayan pioneered a methodological shift away from elite archives toward the oral traditions and folk myths of marginalized communities. He eventually legitimized "folk-ethnography" as a rigorous academic discipline during his tenure as Director of the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute.  

Why link women’s reservation to delimitation? The unspoken political calculus

By Vikas Meshram*  April 16, 2026, is likely to be recorded as a special day in the history of Indian democracy. In a three-day special session of Parliament, the central government is set to introduce a comprehensive package of three historic bills: the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Delimitation Bill, 2026; and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. The stated purpose of all three is the same: to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (106th Constitutional Amendment) passed in 2023. However, the political intent concealed behind these measures — and their impact on the federal balance — is far more profound. It is absolutely essential to understand this.

Catholic union opposes FCRA amendments, warns of threat to Church institutions

By A Representative   The All India Catholic Union (AICU) has raised serious concerns over what it describes as growing threats to religious freedom, minority rights, and constitutional safeguards in India, warning that recent policy and legislative trends could undermine the country’s secular and federal framework.

'It's power grab, not reform': Uttarakhand hills fear marginalization under new delimitation

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The proposed delimitation bill, coupled with the women’s reservation bill, is a calculated attempt to divert attention during state elections while laying the groundwork for long-term power consolidation through a north Indian hegemony. India’s constitution-making process was arduous, but it was guided by leaders deeply committed to unity and integrity. They ensured no community felt betrayed, and the foundation of modern India was laid on inclusivity. Any attempt to alter this balance must be approached with caution and respect for that legacy.