Neither radicalization nor heavy-handed control can fulfill Kashmiris' aspirations for freedom and dignity

By Dr. Manoj Kumar Mishra*

Kashmir, once a vibrant confluence of cultures and religions, has over the years been consumed by unrestrained radicalization and violence. What Kashmir truly deserves is the chance to become a hub of trade and tourism—open, accessible, and flourishing with a soft border that allows people from around the world to visit and engage in commerce. In recent years, the Indian government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has sought to promote infrastructure development and tourism in Kashmir through a policy of centralized control over militancy and radicalism, especially since 2019.

The brutal killing of 26 tourists in Pahalgam on April 22 this year was a grim reminder that radical elements can re-emerge violently whenever there are gaps in security, surveillance, or intelligence. While technological advancements and Artificial Intelligence offer India new tools to enhance security in the Valley, these do not necessarily justify tighter political and administrative control.

The partition of British India into India and Pakistan was based on the two-nation theory, which asserted that Hindus and Muslims constituted separate nations and should thus have separate states. Pakistan’s orchestration of tribal incursions into Kashmir soon after partition led the then ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh, to sign the Instrument of Accession on October 26, 1947—legally integrating Kashmir into India.

India has since regarded Kashmir as an integral part of its territory. Though the region is predominantly Muslim, this is consistent with the secular ethos that India adopted as a foundational constitutional value after independence. Indian scholars have pointed out that India, as a secular democracy, has included more Muslims in its polity than many Muslim-majority countries, while also providing extensive constitutional protections for minorities.

Kashmir was declared a bilateral issue between India and Pakistan under the Simla Agreement of 1972, wherein both nations committed to resolving the matter through dialogue, excluding third-party involvement. Nevertheless, Pakistan has repeatedly sought to internationalize the issue and has cited UN Security Council resolutions advocating a plebiscite in the Valley. India, in turn, has highlighted Pakistan’s support for radicalism and terrorism in Kashmir as undermining any such process.

New Delhi has consistently presented evidence of Pakistan-sponsored cross-border terrorism, citing incidents such as the Mumbai attacks, the assault on the Indian Parliament, and the strikes in Uri, Pathankot, and Pulwama—all allegedly originating from Pakistani soil and supported by its army and intelligence agency, ISI. The Indian government argues that such efforts aim to cloak externally engineered unrest in the Valley as an indigenous freedom movement.

India has conducted free and fair elections in Kashmir and promoted them as expressions of the people's democratic will to remain within the Indian Union. India's secularism, pluralism, and relatively robust democratic institutions offer a clear contrast to Pakistan's theocratic leanings, its flirtation with radical ideologies, and its weak political structures. However, in an effort to counter growing radicalization, India has shifted from a policy of accommodating autonomy to one of centralized governance, notably through the revocation of Article 370 and the downgrading of Jammu and Kashmir to Union Territory status. Yet neither radicalization nor heavy-handed control can fulfill the aspirations of Kashmiris for freedom and dignity.

Both those who fuel radicalism and those who impose excessive central authority must realize that Kashmir cannot be viewed merely as a strategic asset or a disputed territory. It must be seen as a land of people—of suffering and longing—yearning for greater autonomy, peace, and connection with the wider world. Only by embracing this human-centric perspective can lasting solutions begin to take shape.

---

*Senior Lecturer in Political Science, SVM Autonomous College, Jagatsinghpur, Odisha

Comments

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

By Syed Ali Mujtaba* The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks.

Beyond Lata: How Asha Bhosle redefined the female voice with her underrated versatility

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* The news of iconic Asha Bhosle’s ‘untimely’ demise has shocked music lovers across the country. Asha Tai was 92 years young. Normally, people celebrate a passing at this age, but Asha Bhosle—much like another legend, Dev Anand—never made us feel she was growing old. She was perhaps the most versatile artist in Bombay cinema. Hailing from a family devoted to music, Asha’s journey to success and fame was not easy. Her elder sister, Lata Mangeshkar, had already become the voice of women in cinema, and most contemporaries like Shamshad Begum, Suraiya, and Noor Jehan had slowly faded into oblivion. Frankly, there was no second or third to Lata Mangeshkar; she became the first—and perhaps the only—choice for music directors and all those who mattered in filmmaking. Asha started her musical journey at age 10 with a Marathi film, but her first break in Hindustani cinema came with the film "Chunariya" (1948). Though she was not the first choice of ...

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor* Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar* Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

Midnight weeping: The sociology of tragic vision in Badri Narayan’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan* Badri Narayan, a distinguished Hindi poet and social scientist, occupies a unique position in contemporary Indian intellectual life by bridging the worlds of creative literature and critical social inquiry. His poetic journey began significantly with the 1993 collection 'Saca Sune Hue Kaï Dina Hue' (Truth Heard Many Days Ago). As a social historian and cultural anthropologist, Narayan pioneered a methodological shift away from elite archives toward the oral traditions and folk myths of marginalized communities. He eventually legitimized "folk-ethnography" as a rigorous academic discipline during his tenure as Director of the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute.

Why link women’s reservation to delimitation? The unspoken political calculus

By Vikas Meshram* April 16, 2026, is likely to be recorded as a special day in the history of Indian democracy. In a three-day special session of Parliament, the central government is set to introduce a comprehensive package of three historic bills: the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Delimitation Bill, 2026; and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. The stated purpose of all three is the same: to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (106th Constitutional Amendment) passed in 2023. However, the political intent concealed behind these measures — and their impact on the federal balance — is far more profound. It is absolutely essential to understand this.

Catholic union opposes FCRA amendments, warns of threat to Church institutions

By A Representative The All India Catholic Union (AICU) has raised serious concerns over what it describes as growing threats to religious freedom, minority rights, and constitutional safeguards in India, warning that recent policy and legislative trends could undermine the country’s secular and federal framework.

'It's power grab, not reform': Uttarakhand hills fear marginalization under new delimitation

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* The proposed delimitation bill, coupled with the women’s reservation bill, is a calculated attempt to divert attention during state elections while laying the groundwork for long-term power consolidation through a north Indian hegemony. India’s constitution-making process was arduous, but it was guided by leaders deeply committed to unity and integrity. They ensured no community felt betrayed, and the foundation of modern India was laid on inclusivity. Any attempt to alter this balance must be approached with caution and respect for that legacy.

Search This Blog