Skip to main content

Subverting rule of law, democracy, Modi 'downplays' political defiance to farm bills

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak*
Narendra Damodardas Modi is a consummated practitioner of politics of Hindutva politics, which is wedded to hate. He does not spare a moment to capture the headlines with his diversionary tactics, which makes him as one of the sharpest managers of media and prime master of propaganda. 
The Hindutva propaganda machine with the organisational network of RSS is erasing the idea of India -- secular, liberal and constitutional democracy -- in the name of building and converting India into a Hindu Rashtra.
The tragedy of Coronavirus pandemic does not shock Modi and his government. It a therapeutic opportunity for the Hindutva forces to clampdown on leaders and activists of democratic struggles, human rights defenders, students, youths, farmers, women and civil society leaders by using draconian laws.
The mob lynching and rioters go unpunished. The criminals and frauds move around with all impunity. The rule of law for justice is no longer the governing principles of India under Modi. It is a message to the common Indians, who believe in the idea of inclusive democracy. Reason, science, morality in life and principles in politics are obsolete words in the ideological frameworks of Hindutva and its leadership.
The bigotry of Hindutva politics is destroying hopes, needs and aspirations of millions of Indians and their future. The BJP government led by Modi is using pandemic as an opportunity to subvert all democratic procedures, parliamentary traditions, and constitutional conventions with the help of Hindutva majoritarianism.
Modi promised cooperative federalism but practices despotic strategies for the centralisation of power in his hand. The Government of India is a one-man spectacle as a result of which the government has failed in all frontiers of governance. Modi led BJP government has failed in social, economic, political and diplomatic fronts.
The crisis is an opportunity for the Hindutva politics to accelerate its fascist rule.Deceptive, illiberal and undemocratic ideals are integral to Hindutva politics, which serves the cronies capitalist friends of BJP and Modi. The present and future is robbed from Indians by the politics and policies of Hindutva regime, which undermines and destroys democratic institutions and practices. It is worth asking, if India is still a democracy under Modi.
The Modi government has passed the Farmers’ and Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Bill, 2020 and Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Bill, 2020 without a proper discussion in the parliament. It did not give any chance to the opposition political parties even to share their views on the bills.
These bills are not only prelude to corporatisation of agriculture but also a death warrant for Indian farmers. The big farmers and corporates are going to be beneficiaries of these policy reforms. It will destroy the lives and livelihoods of millions of small farmers in India. This is not about two bills. It is about Indian farmers and their source of livelihoods. Modi continues to downplay the political opposition to the bill with his time-tested deceptive tactics.
This is not for the first time; Modi government is subverting rule of law in democratic India. Modi led BJP governments have subverted democracy many times after it came to power both in states and center. It is a final warning sign for Indian democracy. If Modi led BJP government is allowed to subvert democracy in defence of corporate interests, it not only diminishes Indian democracy but also destroys the very foundation of trust poor and farmers have on Indian state and government.
The Modi government has always pretended and propagated to be the champions of India and Indian culture. Do Kashmiris, Adivasis, Dalits, students, youths, Muslims and other religious and linguistic minorities, farmers, rural and urban poor belongs to India? Does the Modi government consider these people as Indians? 
 It has demonised every political opposition and branded them as anti-national forces. In reality, the cultural, political and economic nationalism of BJP and RSS is a hoax. Modi government is an agent of transnational capitalist classes.
Slow death of impartial judiciary  gives unbridled power to the Hindutva forces to expand  medieval ideology of governance
It does not care for people. Modi government hides behind police and prisons by scapegoating the vulnerable and vilifying the opposition parties. It is a historical trademark of fascist politics. The Hindutva fascists are no different. The Hindutva chauvinism survives by spreading falsehood on history, politics, economy, culture and society. It is fundamentally opposed to the idea of India and Indian way of life.
The lynching of democracy in India by Hindutva forces started with Adivasis, Dalits, Muslims and Kashmiris. The lynching of Dalits within apartheid Hindu caste order is not new. Similarly, the cultural and economic genocide of Adivasis is continuing for a long time. The open and full-fledged attack on Muslims, Kashmiris and people from north east India started after Modi came to power in New Delhi.
The political patronage to racist violence is an inalienable feature of Hindutva politics. 
It is not going to stop here as violence is a leverage of right wing and reactionary forces.There is no recourse to justice. The next attack will be on all forces opposed to Hindutva politics.
The slow death of impartial judiciary and legal fraternity gives unbridled power to the Hindutva forces to expand their medieval ideology of governance, which weakens and ruins all institutions of democracy and its liberal traditions. The Hindutva politics has transformed Indian political landscape into a field of competitive consumerism of bigotry based on false propaganda. The stakes are much higher now.
Without a serious mass mobilisation against the bigoted ideology of RSS and undemocratic politics of BJP, the lynching of Indian democracy is in its final stage. Its survival depends on people and their struggle for restoring liberal, constitutional and inclusive democracy in India. The building of a mass movement is not easy but it is possible.
The vitality, legitimacy and effectiveness of the struggles against Hindutva politics depends on solidarity among all progressive, liberal, socialist and democratic forces in the country. The democracy in India is a product of peoples struggle and its survival today depends on the progressive trajectories of peoples struggle in defence of democracy in India.
---
*Coventry University, UK

Comments

TRENDING

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

​ By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  ​The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative   Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks. 

Beyond Lata: How Asha Bhosle redefined the female voice with her underrated versatility

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The news of iconic Asha Bhosle’s ‘untimely’ demise has shocked music lovers across the country. Asha Tai was 92 years young. Normally, people celebrate a passing at this age, but Asha Bhosle—much like another legend, Dev Anand—never made us feel she was growing old. She was perhaps the most versatile artist in Bombay cinema. Hailing from a family devoted to music, Asha’s journey to success and fame was not easy. Her elder sister, Lata Mangeshkar, had already become the voice of women in cinema, and most contemporaries like Shamshad Begum, Suraiya, and Noor Jehan had slowly faded into oblivion. Frankly, there was no second or third to Lata Mangeshkar; she became the first—and perhaps the only—choice for music directors and all those who mattered in filmmaking. Asha started her musical journey at age 10 with a Marathi film, but her first break in Hindustani cinema came with the film "Chunariya" (1948). Though she was not the first choice of ...

Lata Mangeshkar, a Dalit from Devdasi family, 'refused to sing a song' about Ambedkar

By Pramod Ranjan*  An artist is known and respected for her art. But she is equally, or even more so known and respected for her social concerns. An artist's social concerns or in other words, her worldview, give a direction and purpose to her art. History remembers only such artists whose social concerns are deep, reasoned and of durable importance. Lata Mangeshkar (28 September 1929 – 6 February 2022) was a celebrated playback singer of the Hindi film industry. She was the uncrowned queen of Indian music for over seven decades. Her popularity was unmatched. Her songs were heard and admired not only in India but also in Pakistan, Bangladesh and many other South Asian countries. In this article, we will focus on her social concerns. Lata lived for 92 long years. Music ran in her blood. Her father also belonged to the world of music. Her two sisters, Asha Bhonsle and Usha Mangeshkar, are well-known singers. Lata might have been born in Indore but the blood of a famous Devdasi family...

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor*  Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

46% own nothing, 1% own 18%: The truth about India’s land inequality

By Vikas Meshram *  “Agriculture is the backbone of India” — this is what we have been hearing for generations. But there is a pain hollowing out this backbone from within: the unequal distribution of land. On one hand, news of farmer suicides, indebtedness, and rural migration keeps coming; on the other, agricultural land across the country continues to concentrate in the hands of a few wealthy individuals.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar*   Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

US study links ultra-processed diets to preterm birth, sparks concern in India

By Jag Jivan   A growing body of scientific evidence linking ultra-processed food (UPF) consumption during pregnancy to adverse maternal and neonatal outcomes has sparked fresh concern among public health experts, with Indian nutrition advocates warning of serious implications for the country’s already strained maternal health landscape.

Midnight weeping: The sociology of tragic vision in Badri Narayan’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan*  Badri Narayan, a distinguished Hindi poet and social scientist, occupies a unique position in contemporary Indian intellectual life by bridging the worlds of creative literature and critical social inquiry. His poetic journey began significantly with the 1993 collection 'Saca Sune Hue Kaï Dina Hue' (Truth Heard Many Days Ago). As a social historian and cultural anthropologist, Narayan pioneered a methodological shift away from elite archives toward the oral traditions and folk myths of marginalized communities. He eventually legitimized "folk-ethnography" as a rigorous academic discipline during his tenure as Director of the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute.