Skip to main content

A Swami who fought for Haryana bonded workers, Dalit entry in Nathadwara temple

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*

The death of Swami Agnivesh is a great loss to the civil society movement in India, of which he was an active member all through his life. Those of us who have been frequenting various protests at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi knew him well how he would encourage youngsters and join their protests at any available time.
Agnivesh was basically a political person, though he continued to wear saffron robes. But that was his personal faith. He was emphatic on the issues of social justice, secularism and multiculturalism. He fought for bonded labourers and campaigned against sati. He fought for the entry of Dalits in the famous Nathadwara temple in Rajasthan.
Several years back Agnivesh was attacked by goons in Jharkhand, but nothing happened to the attackers, as the miscreants had the full support of BJP. The government did not bother to investigate the matter. None of us know where the matter stands is today. The attack was justified for quite some time. Agnivesh was often confronted by some sections at different spots. The reason was, what he spoke from his heart hurt powerful social and political interests.
He was an Arya Samajist, yet he was ostracised by most of them, as they found his views too radical. His strong ideological perceptions became a roadblock for his political career. In 1977 he was made education minister in Haryana, but on the bonded labour issue, he listened to his conscience and resigned.
In fact, Agnivesh became the conscience keeper of civil society, and though many questioned his ideological stance in the fight against caste discrimination and for minorities rights, he remained immensely popular because he he spoke he touched their heart.
I cannot claim to know him much, though I not only shared various platforms with him but also participated in dharnas and protests that were organised by him and friends. There wasn’t any when his presence was required but he did not come or join in. Many a time, he became one even with very few participants in protests against violence unleashed by state forces.
Agnivesh recognised: We are a very complex society, which does not have one particular way to resolve things. We may have diverse viewpoints but if we really consider the Constitution as the benchmark, we can build a united and strong India.
Agnivesh was not a revolutionary. He attempted to change things without changing the status quo. He might have gained during the Nathadwara temple movement. Yet, the fact is, things have not changed for Dalits, who know: Mere temple entry movements do not help. Indeed his was an attempt to bring Dalits into the Vedanta fold -- much like what Gandhiji, who attempted and failed.
Swami Agnivesh: Attacked in Jharkhand in 2018
Indeed, removal of untouchability and annihilation of castes are not possible through glorification of shastras. Criticizing or blaming the powers-that-be for it wouldn’t also help. Removal of untouchability or annihilation of castes cannot be achieved without creating an inequitable society. For that we would need to destroy the current caste monopolies on our natural resources and power structure. May who fight against it only speak in a very patronising way, hence fail.
Similarly, the issue of secularism in India should not mean uttering 'Bismillahurahmaan o Rahim’ but understanding broader issues of hierarchies among minorities, and not treating them as a homogenised entity. At a meeting with the Muslim community, Agnivesh asked Muslims to campaign against alcoholism, which had nothing to do with the issues confronting the community -- their continuous marginalisation, political, economic and social.
A political movement shaped up following the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests, which saw participation of all sections of society, particularly women, and participants included people from all faiths. Such movements need time to emerge as a political force. Agnivesh had a pragmatic role to play by making himself felt at such movements.
In one his worst decisions, initially Agnivesh supported Anna Hazare's movement, which had sought to unite all the regressive forces. When he tried withdrawing from the movement, Anna's right wing friends defamed him for being a Congress agent. Today, we face bigger threat to not only our democracy but civilisation. Agnivesh understood this soon and began focussing on rebuilding and uniting all the progressive democratic secular forces.
Indeed, Agnivesh has left a rich legacy. He will continue to inspire people’s movements. One may disagree with his views, yet one cannot really ignore the issues he raised. He stood for people's rights, whether it was Bastar adivasis or Haryana Dalits.
---
*Human rights defender

Comments

TRENDING

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

​ By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  ​The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative   Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks. 

Beyond Lata: How Asha Bhosle redefined the female voice with her underrated versatility

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The news of iconic Asha Bhosle’s ‘untimely’ demise has shocked music lovers across the country. Asha Tai was 92 years young. Normally, people celebrate a passing at this age, but Asha Bhosle—much like another legend, Dev Anand—never made us feel she was growing old. She was perhaps the most versatile artist in Bombay cinema. Hailing from a family devoted to music, Asha’s journey to success and fame was not easy. Her elder sister, Lata Mangeshkar, had already become the voice of women in cinema, and most contemporaries like Shamshad Begum, Suraiya, and Noor Jehan had slowly faded into oblivion. Frankly, there was no second or third to Lata Mangeshkar; she became the first—and perhaps the only—choice for music directors and all those who mattered in filmmaking. Asha started her musical journey at age 10 with a Marathi film, but her first break in Hindustani cinema came with the film "Chunariya" (1948). Though she was not the first choice of ...

Lata Mangeshkar, a Dalit from Devdasi family, 'refused to sing a song' about Ambedkar

By Pramod Ranjan*  An artist is known and respected for her art. But she is equally, or even more so known and respected for her social concerns. An artist's social concerns or in other words, her worldview, give a direction and purpose to her art. History remembers only such artists whose social concerns are deep, reasoned and of durable importance. Lata Mangeshkar (28 September 1929 – 6 February 2022) was a celebrated playback singer of the Hindi film industry. She was the uncrowned queen of Indian music for over seven decades. Her popularity was unmatched. Her songs were heard and admired not only in India but also in Pakistan, Bangladesh and many other South Asian countries. In this article, we will focus on her social concerns. Lata lived for 92 long years. Music ran in her blood. Her father also belonged to the world of music. Her two sisters, Asha Bhonsle and Usha Mangeshkar, are well-known singers. Lata might have been born in Indore but the blood of a famous Devdasi family...

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor*  Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

46% own nothing, 1% own 18%: The truth about India’s land inequality

By Vikas Meshram *  “Agriculture is the backbone of India” — this is what we have been hearing for generations. But there is a pain hollowing out this backbone from within: the unequal distribution of land. On one hand, news of farmer suicides, indebtedness, and rural migration keeps coming; on the other, agricultural land across the country continues to concentrate in the hands of a few wealthy individuals.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar*   Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

US study links ultra-processed diets to preterm birth, sparks concern in India

By Jag Jivan   A growing body of scientific evidence linking ultra-processed food (UPF) consumption during pregnancy to adverse maternal and neonatal outcomes has sparked fresh concern among public health experts, with Indian nutrition advocates warning of serious implications for the country’s already strained maternal health landscape.

Midnight weeping: The sociology of tragic vision in Badri Narayan’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan*  Badri Narayan, a distinguished Hindi poet and social scientist, occupies a unique position in contemporary Indian intellectual life by bridging the worlds of creative literature and critical social inquiry. His poetic journey began significantly with the 1993 collection 'Saca Sune Hue Kaï Dina Hue' (Truth Heard Many Days Ago). As a social historian and cultural anthropologist, Narayan pioneered a methodological shift away from elite archives toward the oral traditions and folk myths of marginalized communities. He eventually legitimized "folk-ethnography" as a rigorous academic discipline during his tenure as Director of the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute.