Skip to main content

India’s Halal economy 'faces an uncertain future' under the new food Bill

By Syed Ali Mujtaba* 
The proposed Food Safety and Standards (Amendment) Bill, 2025 marks a decisive shift in India’s food regulation landscape by seeking to place Halal certification exclusively under government control while criminalising all private Halal certification bodies. Although the Bill claims to promote “transparency” and “standardisation,” its structure and implications raise serious concerns about religious freedom, economic marginalisation, and the systematic dismantling of a long-established, Muslim-led Halal ecosystem in India.
Traditionally, Halal certification in India has been carried out by Muslim religious trusts, ulema-led institutions, waqf-linked bodies, and community organisations. These institutions derive their authority not merely from administrative competence but from religious scholarship and community trust. The proposed Bill explicitly prohibits any private trust, society, or association from issuing or charging fees for Halal certification, prescribing penalties that include imprisonment of up to two years and fines of up to ₹10 lakh. In effect, this measure outlaws existing Muslim Halal bodies, converts a centuries-old religious practice into a criminal offence, and delegitimises Islamic scholarship in determining what is Halal. This is not regulation in the conventional sense; it amounts to displacement of a large workforce and institutional network attached to the Halal industry.
The economic implications are equally troubling. India’s Halal economy sustains small Muslim slaughterhouses, meat exporters, food processors, herbal and Unani medicine manufacturers, nutraceutical producers, and a wide range of certification professionals and auditors. By mandating that all certification fees be deposited into the Consolidated Fund of India, the Bill abruptly cuts off livelihood streams for thousands of Muslim-run institutions that have historically depended on certification services. What was once a community-driven religious economy is thereby transformed into a state-controlled revenue channel, disproportionately affecting Muslim entrepreneurs and institutions.
More fundamentally, the Bill raises the issue of state control over the religious definition of Halal. Halal is not merely a food safety label; it is a religious ruling (hukm) grounded in Islamic jurisprudence. Yet the proposed framework places Halal standards, slaughter criteria, and certification rules under the authority of a government-appointed committee dominated by bureaucrats and public health officials, without any guaranteed representation of qualified Islamic jurists. This invites a basic constitutional and philosophical question: can a secular state define what is religiously Halal for Muslims?
Although the Bill employs the neutral phrase “religious dietary certification,” its real-world impact is far from neutral. Halal certification is by far the largest and most economically significant form of religious dietary certification in India, and it is overwhelmingly used, managed, and relied upon by Muslims. The practical effect, therefore, is a disproportionate burden on Indian Muslims, their religious institutions, and their businesses, raising serious concerns under Articles 25 and 26, which guarantee freedom of religion and management of religious affairs, as well as Article 19(1)(g), which protects the right to practise any profession or carry on any occupation.
The proposed changes also risk weakening India’s position in the global Halal market. Internationally, Halal certification derives its credibility from independence, recognised religious authority, and acceptance by Muslim communities and importing countries. Replacing respected private Halal bodies with a single government authority risks eroding trust in Indian Halal exports, reducing acceptance in OIC and other Muslim-majority markets, and damaging India’s multi-billion-dollar Halal export potential.
In its present form, the Food Safety and Standards (Amendment) Bill, 2025 cannot be viewed as a neutral regulatory reform. It represents the criminalisation of Muslim religious institutions, economic disenfranchisement of Muslim businesses, state overreach into matters of religious doctrine, and a structural assault on India’s Halal economy. Genuine reform would seek regulation without dispossession, oversight without criminalisation, and standardisation without erasing religious autonomy. Without urgent reconsideration, this Bill risks being remembered not as a food safety measure, but as a policy that institutionalised economic and religious exclusion under the guise of regulation.
---
*Journalist based in Chennai

Comments

TRENDING

When democracy becomes a performance: The Tibetan exile experience

By Tseten Lhundup*  I was born in Bylakuppe, one of the largest Tibetan settlements in southern India. From childhood, I grew up in simple barracks, along muddy roads, and in fields with limited resources. Over the years, I have watched our democratic system slowly erode. Observing the recent budget session of the 17th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, these “democratic procedures” appear grand and orderly on the surface, yet in reality they amount to little more than empty formalities. The parliamentarians seem largely disconnected from the everyday struggles faced by ordinary exiled Tibetans like us.

Study links sanctions to 500,000 deaths annually leading to rise in global backlash

By Bharat Dogra  International opinion is increasingly turning against the expanding burden of sanctions imposed on a growing number of countries. These measures are contributing to humanitarian crises, intensifying domestic discord, and heightening international tensions, thereby increasing the risks of conflicts and wars. 

​Best left-handed cricket XI of all-time: Could it beat an all-time right-hander XI?

By Harsh Thakor*  ​This is my all-time left-handers Test XI. It could arguably give an all-time right-handers XI a strong run for its money, boasting the likes of Garry Sobers, Brian Lara, Wasim Akram, and Adam Gilchrist.

Dhurandhar: The Revenge — Blurring the line between fiction and political narrative

By Mohd. Ziyaullah Khan*  "Dhurandhar: The Revenge" does not wait to be remembered; it arrives almost on the heels of its predecessor, released on March 19, 2026, just months after the first film’s December 2025 debut. The speed of its arrival feels less like creative urgency and more like calculated timing—cinema responding not to storytelling rhythm but to the emotional climate of its audience. Director Aditya Dhar, along with actor Yami Gautam, appears acutely aware of this moment and how to harness it.

BJP accounts for 99% of political donations in Gujarat: Corporate giants dominate

By Jag Jivan   An analysis of the official data on donations received by national parties from Gujarat during the Financial Year 2024-25 reveals a staggering concentration of funding, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) accounting for nearly the entirety of the contributions. The data, compiled in a document titled "National Parties donations received from Gujarat during FY-2024-25," lists thousands of transactions, painting a detailed picture of the financial backing for political parties from one of India’s most industrially significant states.

Alarming decline in India's repair culture threatens circular economy goals: Study

By Jag Jivan  A comprehensive new study by environmental research and advocacy organisation Toxics Link has painted a worrying picture of India's fading repair culture, warning that the trend towards replacement over repair is accelerating the country's already critical e-waste crisis.

Beyond the island: Top mythologist reorients the geography of the Ramayana

By Jag Jivan   In a compelling new analysis that challenges conventional geographical assumptions about the ancient epic, writer and mythologist Devdutt Pattanaik has traced the roots of the Ramayana to the forests and river systems of Central and Eastern India, rather than the peninsular south or the modern island nation of Sri Lanka.

The troubling turn in Telangana’s forest governance: Conservation without consent

By Palla Trinadha Rao   The Government of Telangana has recently projected its relocation initiatives in tiger reserves as a model of “transformative conservation,” combining ecological restoration with improved livelihoods for tribal communities. In the Amrabad Tiger Reserve, the State has announced a rehabilitation package covering hundreds of tribal families, offering compensation or resettlement with land and housing. At first glance, such initiatives appear to align conservation with development. However, a closer examination of both law and ground realities reveals a deeply troubling pattern—one where constitutional safeguards, statutory mandates, and community rights are being systematically sidelined in the name of conservation.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.