Skip to main content

Why Congress’ seat adjustments for Lok Sabha polls may be counterpruductive

By Bharat Dogra* 

It is often stated that seat adjustments at the time of elections by opposition parties are very important in India. However, these benefits are easier stated than realized, as satisfactory seat adjustments can be very difficult to achieve in the real-life political scene of the country. Even when leaders manage to work this out, this does not always have the intended or desired result.
One factor is that leaders of various political parties have to satisfy their own election ticket aspirants at the constituency level. A local leader may have worked quite hard for years to prepare for election, and also helped the party top leadership in various ways to secure the party ticket when the election time comes. 
So he/she may be quite upset when told that you cannot contest the election and must instead extend your support to someone from another party and ask all your supporters also to do so. He may even be asked to extend his support to someone he does not like and in fact may have criticized several times in the course of party politics and for other reasons. Angry and frustrated due to this, he may even defect, or else more quietly work for the defeat of the imposed candidate from an allied party.     
Strong advocates of seat adjustments assume that the top leaders of various opposition political parties can take decisions on seat adjustments in one or more meetings, and their party members will faithfully or timidly follow what they have decided. In fact there can be many small revolts—some visible and loud, some less visible and carried out quietly.
Various political parties have their own compulsions. If a party is strong in just one or two states, then it may feel that it cannot give up many seats here if it is to ensure some significant representation in the Lok Sabha. On the other, hand a national party is likely to feel that it must maintain at least its presence on the election map of many states to remain looking like a national party regardless of its weak position in these states. 
The Congress, for instance, may just now be too weak in some important states to hope to win many seats, but if it does not contest elections here in a significant number of seats and its members have to engage mainly in supporting allies, then its membership and organizational base, its capacity to contest elections here as serious claimants may be further weakened, and for this reason alone it may feel the necessity to contest some of even those seats where its chances may not be rated high by impartial observers.
This brings us to another aspect of a multi-party democracy that not all smaller political parties necessarily contest elections with serious hope of winning. If they are able to enthuse their members and supporters in the electoral process to such an extent as to get a certain number of votes considered respectable by them, then their objective is achieved. Some political parties may also be guided by the objective of gaining some sort of official as well non-official recognition as national and state-level political parties by registering a presence of some significance in many constituencies.
If to display unity leaders of political parties announce seat adjustments but this is not supported at the grassroots by their members, then the desired transfer of votes in favor of the ally to whom the seat has been ‘surrendered’ may not take place. 
Another problem with seat adjustments within the existing constraints and realities is that these take up too much of the time of various opposition leaders in the important days leading up to the elections. There can be many meetings and much uncertainty. 
Some of the efforts can lead to a lot of bickering and disturb the existing relationships of some political parties instead of improving them. To some extent this can be seen today even before actual seat adjustments have started, and in a few states already the chances of seat adjustments are appearing to be remote.
If Congress does not contest elections in a significant number of seats, its membership and organizational base will dwindle
In effect seat adjustments are ironically easier to achieve when the dominance of one of the political parties is well-established and the dominant role of one leader is also widely recognized. This may not sound like the democratic ideal at all, but this is the existing real-life situation in India at present.
The opposition parties of course will go ahead with some seat adjustment efforts, but they must not place too much faith in them to avoid frustration and disappointment at an early stage.
What is easier to achieve is a relationship of mutual respect, trust and cooperation among various political parties which may be useful after the election results are out. 
A more practical approach may be for leaders of various opposition parties to appeal to their state units to concentrate scarce resources only on those seats where they are strong, and to support other good opposition candidates elsewhere. This may result in achieving some limited, automatic seat adjustment on the basis of internal understanding and avoiding any revolt.
Yet another highly credible and useful effort may be to try to reach a consensus on a program based on justice, equality, peace, inter-faith harmony, secularism, democracy and protection of environment.
Let opposition parties make efforts for seat adjustments to the extent they can but they should not underestimate the various problems and constraints. If they succeed, fine, but if they do not, they should not shed too many tears or indulge in blame-game as this will further weaken their cause.
Also, why not accept multi-party democracy for its reality and inevitability of multi-cornered contests in most constituencies? This is not always a bad thing and sometimes throws up opportunities for new and low-resource contestants that would not exist in just two-sided contests. 
Just see how the two party system in the USA often works in such a way as to deny real choice to many of the more socially aware people who feel that both sides are frequently on the side of injustice. A multi-party democracy can in fact be healthier and more democratic, but we also need to work hard to achieve its more positive and desirable impacts.
---
*Honorary convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include “When the Two Streams Met”, “Man over Machine” and “Protecting Earth for Children”

Comments

TRENDING

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

Ahmedabad's Sabarmati riverfront under scrutiny after Subhash Bridge damage

By Rosamma Thomas*  Large cracks have appeared on Subhash Bridge across the Sabarmati in Ahmedabad, close to the Gandhi Ashram . Built in 1973, this bridge, named after Subhash Chandra Bose , connects the eastern and western parts of the city and is located close to major commercial areas. The four-lane bridge has sidewalks for pedestrians, and is vital for access to Ashram Road , Ellis Bridge , Gandhinagar and the Sabarmati Railway Station .

Farewell to Robin Smith, England’s Lionhearted Warrior Against Pace

By Harsh Thakor*  Robin Smith, who has died at the age of 62, was among the most adept and convincing players of fast bowling during an era when English cricket was in decline and pace bowling was at its most lethal. Unwavering against the tormenting West Indies pace attack or the relentless Australians, Smith epitomised courage and stroke-making prowess. His trademark shot, an immensely powerful square cut, made him a scourge of opponents. Wearing a blue England helmet without a visor or grille, he relished pulling, hooking and cutting the quicks. 

No action yet on complaint over assault on lawyer during Tirunelveli public hearing

By A Representative   A day after a detailed complaint was filed seeking disciplinary action against ten lawyers in Tirunelveli for allegedly assaulting human rights lawyer Dr. V. Suresh, no action has yet been taken by the Bar Council of Tamil Nadu and Puducherry, according to the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL).

Latur’s quiet rebel: Dr Suryanarayan Ransubhe and his war on Manuvad

By Ravi Ranjan*  In an India still fractured by caste, religion, and language, where narrow loyalties repeatedly threaten to tear the nation apart, Rammanohar Lohia once observed that the true leader of the bahujans is one under whose banner even non-bahujans feel proud to march. The remark applies far beyond politics. In the literary-cultural and social spheres as well, only a person armed with unflinching historical consciousness and the moral courage to refuse every form of personality worship—including worship of oneself—can hope to touch the weak pulse of the age and speak its bitter truths without fear or favour. 

Differences in 2002 and 2025 SIR revision procedures spark alarm in Gujarat

By A Representative   Civil rights groups and electoral reform activists have raised serious concerns over the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in Gujarat and 11 other states, alleging that the newly enforced requirements could lead to large-scale deletion of legitimate voters, particularly those unable to furnish documentation linking them to the 2002 electoral list.

The Vande Mataram debate and the politics of manufactured controversy

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The recent Vande Mataram debate in Parliament was never meant to foster genuine dialogue. Each political party spoke past the other, addressing its own constituency, ensuring that clips went viral rather than contributing to meaningful deliberation. The objective was clear: to construct a Hindutva narrative ahead of the Bengal elections. Predictably, the Lok Sabha will likely expunge the opposition’s “controversial” remarks while retaining blatant inaccuracies voiced by ministers and ruling-party members. The BJP has mastered the art of inserting distortions into parliamentary records to provide them with a veneer of historical legitimacy.

Urgent need to study cause of large number of natural deaths in Gulf countries

By Venkatesh Nayak* According to data tabled in Parliament in April 2018, there are 87.76 lakh (8.77 million) Indians in six Gulf countries, namely Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). While replying to an Unstarred Question (#6091) raised in the Lok Sabha, the Union Minister of State for External Affairs said, during the first half of this financial year alone (between April-September 2018), blue-collared Indian workers in these countries had remitted USD 33.47 Billion back home. Not much is known about the human cost of such earnings which swell up the country’s forex reserves quietly. My recent RTI intervention and research of proceedings in Parliament has revealed that between 2012 and mid-2018 more than 24,570 Indian Workers died in these Gulf countries. This works out to an average of more than 10 deaths per day. For every US$ 1 Billion they remitted to India during the same period there were at least 117 deaths of Indian Workers in Gulf ...

From crime to verdict: The 27-year journey that 'rewarded' the destroyers of Babri Masjid

By Shamsul Islam    Thirty-three years ago, on December 6, 1992, a 16th-century mosque was reduced to rubble by a frenzied mob orchestrated by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its political fronts. The demolition was not a spontaneous outburst of Hindu sentiment; it was the meticulously planned culmination of a hate campaign that branded Indian Muslims as “Babur-ki-aulad” and the Babri Masjid as a symbol of historical humiliation.