Skip to main content

Tree-felling for greenery? Gujarat govt 'accepted' proposal; awaits implementation

By Rajiv Shah 
The other day, I went to Nadiad, a town in Central Gujarat, about 55 kilometres from Ahmedabad. For a change, I took an alternate route, which falls between two toll roads – the Expressway and the National Highway. What surprised me was, I saw truckloads of wooden logs moving to and fro on this state highway soon after I left Ahmedabad.
I was immediately reminded of a "tree enthusiast" I had met in 2007. Introduced by former chief secretary PK Laheri, who was then chairman of the Sardar Sarovar Narmada Nigam Ltd (SSNNL), Jayantibhai Lakdawala came to my Times of India office in Gandhinagar with a unique proposal, which, he said, he had put up before the Gujarat government to grow more trees.
And what was the proposal? Allow tree felling to grow more trees! It sounded strange, but his logic seemed interesting and new, hence I wrote a news story in the paper. He called the 50-year-old Saurashtra Tree Felling (Prohibition) Act “a black law”, urging the government, through a proposal he had forwarded to Laheri, to encourage timber cultivation by allowing tree felling. Himself a sawmill owner, Lakdawala, who told me he also ran a voluntary organisation, Taru, in Chandkheda, off Ahmedabad, insisted, “More timber for industry should be encouraged in order to increase the green cover.”
Pointing towards how forest and revenue departments had "discouraged" the timber industry, he said, the law prohibiting felling makes it obligatory for the farmer to get a mamlatdar’s permission before cutting down a tree for commercial use. The procedure further required the forest department’s nod. His proposal required land on either side of the Narmada canal be "used" for cultivating timber, and SSNNL should allow its commercial use through a contract. Laheri told me, Lakdawala is one of the few persons who have come up with "a fresh ideas".
Running a sawmill in Sejpur-Naroda, Lakdawala further told me, the greenery in Anand and Kheda districts (Nadiad is Kheda district’s headquarter) is due to the heavy concentration of saw mills there. “In 1970, there were 14 trees per hectare (ha). In 1980, this went up to 28, and today in Kheda, there are 48 trees per ha and 65 trees per ha in Anand,” he said, even as seeking a review on the ban on new sawmills, "imposed" after a Supreme Court order.
Recalling what all Lakdawala had told me in 2007, I decided to phone up this tree strange enthusiast in order to find out what had happened to his proposal. “It was taken positively, even a government resolution was issued in 2015 allowing commercial use of trees, but nothing has happened. I wanted the Gujarat government to encourage farmers to grow trees and allow them to cut them for commercial use. Chief minister Vijay Rupani personally called me and we had a discussion on the proposal, which he took positively”, he said.
“However”, regretted Lakdawala, “Things have failed to move thereafter. The policy is there, but it is not being implemented. The bureaucracy appears least interested. I forwarded a detailed project report to the Gujarat government on what all could be done after I signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) at the Vibrant Gujarat summit in January 2013.” Forwarded to me, the proposal, claimed to have been worked out with the help a Netherlands expert, Jan Erftemeijer, who apparently had the Netherlands government backing, said, two sides of expressways, national highways, state highways, district, urban and rural roads could be used to grow what he calls "woodcrop" on a public-private partnership (PPP) model.
Pointing out that this should be done on a “commercial basis”, the proposal said, the two sides of the network of rivers and canals having thousands of kilometers of land also remain "unused", and should therefore be "used" for woodcrop. To start with, as a model, the 95-km-long Ahmedabad-Vadodara Expressway should be used. Once the woodcrop matures, the trees should be allowed be cut and sold, and those on contract allowed to continuously regrow trees for commercial gain.
The Netherlands expert on visit to Gujarat
Claiming that the woodcrop concept was successful in Yamunanagar in Haryana, the proposal said, there was no woodcrop’ and wood based industry in the area, farmers took the initiative in 1990s, that too without official support. The surrounding areas green today. Presently, it is the basis of about Rs 10,000 crore worth annual turnover for timber industry. The situation, though on a smaller scale, is the same with regard to Kheda district of Gujarat, which provides an annual turnover of Rs 2,000 crore, Khagadia district of Bihar, and some areas of Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu.
Woodcrop increases the earning to the farmers by three to four times compared to the regular crop, the proposal contended. If the regular crop earns Rs 40,000-50,000 per acre per year woodcrop earnings would be Rs 1,50,000-1,75,000. This, he claimed, would lead to self-sufficiency in wood and our dependence on import of wood from other countries would reduce.
Seeking “initial government help” for Rs 200 per tree in order to grow about 2.4 lakh trees along the 95-km Ahmedabad-Vadodara expressway, the proposal, floated through Lakdawala’s NGO Taru, said that the NGO would “maintain the tree for the period of 10 years or up to the full grown woodcrop”, adding, the earnings from the trees would be shared between the National Highway Authority of India, which owns the expressway, and the NGO on a 70:30 ratio, while the farmers nearby roads would be “compensated to protect the trees.”
Lakdawala believes, his proposal is “more viable” than crores spent by the Gujarat government to grow more trees across the state every year. He told me, out of the total grown trees grown during its tree plantation drive by the state forest department, less than one per cent survive. His proposal added, government nurseries also provide plants, but unfortunately these plants are not converted into trees, which lead to huge wastage of government funds and human capital.
Here was a propal for woodcrop as an "alternative", he said, to grow, maintain, save, cut and regrow trees commercially. Government, NGOs, farmers and other agencies coulc be involved by "offering" extra earning, creating employment and other advantages, which will cut down the huge gap between demand and supply of wood. Would it work? That's the million dollar question, especially when forest department officials take the view that in the protected forests tribals have are "harming" tree plantations, while tribal activists insist, only by empowering tribals one can protect forests.

Comments

TRENDING

Plastic burning in homes threatens food, water and air across Global South: Study

By Jag Jivan  In a groundbreaking  study  spanning 26 countries across the Global South , researchers have uncovered the widespread and concerning practice of households burning plastic waste as a fuel for cooking, heating, and other domestic needs. The research, published in Nature Communications , reveals that this hazardous method of managing both waste and energy poverty is driven by systemic failures in municipal services and the unaffordability of clean alternatives, posing severe risks to human health and the environment.

Economic superpower’s social failure? Inequality, malnutrition and crisis of India's democracy

By Vikas Meshram  India may be celebrated as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, but a closer look at who benefits from that growth tells a starkly different story. The recently released World Inequality Report 2026 lays bare a country sharply divided by wealth, privilege and power. According to the report, nearly 65 percent of India’s total wealth is owned by the richest 10 percent of its population, while the bottom half of the country controls barely 6.4 percent. The top one percent—around 14 million people—holds more than 40 percent, the highest concentration since 1961. Meanwhile, the female labour force participation rate is a dismal 15.7 percent.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

The greatest threat to our food system: The aggressive push for GM crops

By Bharat Dogra  Thanks to the courageous resistance of several leading scientists who continue to speak the truth despite increasing pressures from the powerful GM crop and GM food lobby , the many-sided and in some contexts irreversible environmental and health impacts of GM foods and crops, as well as the highly disruptive effects of this technology on farmers, are widely known today. 

History, culture and literature of Fatehpur, UP, from where Maulana Hasrat Mohani hailed

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a member of the Constituent Assembly and an extremely important leader of our freedom movement. Born in Unnao district of Uttar Pradesh, Hasrat Mohani's relationship with nearby district of Fatehpur is interesting and not explored much by biographers and historians. Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri has written a book on Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Fatehpur. The book is in Urdu.  He has just come out with another important book, 'Hindi kee Pratham Rachna: Chandayan' authored by Mulla Daud Dalmai.' During my recent visit to Fatehpur town, I had an opportunity to meet Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri and recorded a conversation with him on issues of history, culture and literature of Fatehpur. Sharing this conversation here with you. Kindly click this link. --- *Human rights defender. Facebook https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat , X @freetohumanity, Skype @vbrawat

Epic war against caste system is constitutional responsibility of elected government

Edited by well-known Gujarat Dalit rights leader Martin Macwan, the book, “Bhed-Bharat: An Account of Injustice and Atrocities on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-18)” (available in English and Gujarati*) is a selection of news articles on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-2018) published by Dalit Shakti Prakashan, Ahmedabad. Preface to the book, in which Macwan seeks to answer key questions on why the book is needed today: *** The thought of compiling a book on atrocities on Dalits and thus present an overall Indian picture had occurred to me a long time ago. Absence of such a comprehensive picture is a major reason for a weak social and political consciousness among Dalits as well as non-Dalits. But gradually the idea took a different form. I found that lay readers don’t understand numbers and don’t like to read well-researched articles. The best way to reach out to them was storytelling. As I started writing in Gujarati and sharing the idea of the book with my friends, it occurred to me that while...

Would breaking idols, burning books annihilate caste? Recalling a 1972 Dalit protest

By Rajiv Shah  A few days ago, I received an email alert from a veteran human rights leader who has fought many battles in Gujarat for the Dalit cause — both through ground-level campaigns and courtroom struggles. The alert, sent in Gujarati by Valjibhai Patel, who heads the Council for Social Justice, stated: “In 1935, Babasaheb Ambedkar burnt the Manusmriti . In 1972, we broke the idol of Krishna , whom we regarded as the creator of the varna (caste) system.”

From colonial mercantilism to Hindutva: New book on the making of power in Gujarat

By Rajiv Shah  Professor Ghanshyam Shah ’s latest book, “ Caste-Class Hegemony and State Power: A Study of Gujarat Politics ”, published by Routledge , is penned by one of Gujarat ’s most respected chroniclers, drawing on decades of fieldwork in the state. It seeks to dissect how caste and class factors overlap to perpetuate the hegemony of upper strata in an ostensibly democratic polity. The book probes the dominance of two main political parties in Gujarat—the Indian National Congress and the BJP—arguing that both have sustained capitalist growth while reinforcing Brahmanic hierarchies.

'Restructuring' Sahitya Akademi: Is the ‘Gujarat model’ reaching Delhi?

By Prakash N. Shah*  ​A fortnight and a few days have slipped past that grim event. It was as if the wedding preparations were complete and the groom’s face was about to be unveiled behind the ceremonial tinsel. At 3 PM on December 18, a press conference was poised to announce the Sahitya Akademi Awards .