Uttarakhand’s historic decision for women’s empowerment

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*
Uttarakhand has become the first state in India to have given women right over ancestral property. This is a landmark initiative taken by the state government and must be complimented for it. According to government’s own assessment, over thirty five lakh women are going to be benefitted from this.
At the time, when women’s rights groups are asking for being provided status of ‘Kisan’ in rest of India and the fact that women do not own property, particularly agricultural land, she cant get any loan even if she does more than 80% work on farming. Even the Kisan andolan have not been very supportive to this as they fear that the agricultural land would be divided which reduces its bargain power.
That is why farming communities and families tend to be in the ‘joint family’ system which is often regressive for women. Most of the time, farmer leadership had been opposed to radical land reforms for the fear of land getting fragmented but the biggest fear is of women’s ‘autonomy’. Most of the time, this question is asked if a woman get divorced then what will happen to land. All these kind of issues come up for discussion.
According to Hindustan Times report, ” “Under the ordinance, the daughters will have ownership rights on the land owned by her father. Similarly, a wife will also be the joint owner of the land of her husband’. The state government is going to change Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Act of Uttarakhand.
The ordinance that Uttarakhand government has brought to give property rights to women have the following :
a. The names of all the married women will be added as co-owner in the ancestral property of her husband. It is important that women never had rights of hereditary property as in the joint family system the lineage was always protected through male progeny. That way, this is a great beginning.
b. According to the ordinance, in case a woman files for divorce from her husband then she wont be a co-owner of the property or land but if the husband give her divorce and unable to pay her maintenance allowance then she would still remain the co-owner of the property.
c. If the woman is childless and her husband is ‘missing’ for over seven years then she can be made a co-owner in the property of her father.
Though the government also amended the law for the purpose of lease and sale of land in the Tarai or plain regions of Uttarakhand but the decision to give ownership rights to woman will have far reaching impact.
Uttarakhand is a state where women have traditionally played powerful role in protecting resources. At many places, more than 90% of work related to agriculture or maintenance of livestock is managed by women. The hill regions of the state have broadly a better male female ratio and women have lead historic social movements such as Chipko to protect their forests and biodiversity. It is also a reality that due to heavy migration, many of the villages in the hills are left with no people. There are lack of basic amenities. Most of the villages are actually managed by women but unfortunately despite 90% of work on land they dont have any access to banks or market. They dont get any loan as they are not the owner. This bill therefore is a historic one and will definitely helpful to more than 3.8 million women in the state.
Land and property ownership to women is a great move towards democratisation of our social system. Fortunately, Uttarakhand does have that culture where women are centre of our universe and hence these laws will help strengthen women’s agency and autonomy over her resources. We are sure, they will not only be able to protect their land and resources but it is a great news for agriculture sector also. Uttarakhand’s hill regions don’t have big land holdings and that is one reason why the system is more democratic and women play bigger roles in our lives.
We wish to congratulate the state government in this regard. Whatever be the political differences if any law that is helpful to the 50% of our population and give them their legitimate rights need to be supported and complimented.
—
*Human rights defender

Comments

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

By Syed Ali Mujtaba* The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks.

Beyond Lata: How Asha Bhosle redefined the female voice with her underrated versatility

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* The news of iconic Asha Bhosle’s ‘untimely’ demise has shocked music lovers across the country. Asha Tai was 92 years young. Normally, people celebrate a passing at this age, but Asha Bhosle—much like another legend, Dev Anand—never made us feel she was growing old. She was perhaps the most versatile artist in Bombay cinema. Hailing from a family devoted to music, Asha’s journey to success and fame was not easy. Her elder sister, Lata Mangeshkar, had already become the voice of women in cinema, and most contemporaries like Shamshad Begum, Suraiya, and Noor Jehan had slowly faded into oblivion. Frankly, there was no second or third to Lata Mangeshkar; she became the first—and perhaps the only—choice for music directors and all those who mattered in filmmaking. Asha started her musical journey at age 10 with a Marathi film, but her first break in Hindustani cinema came with the film "Chunariya" (1948). Though she was not the first choice of ...

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor* Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar* Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

Midnight weeping: The sociology of tragic vision in Badri Narayan’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan* Badri Narayan, a distinguished Hindi poet and social scientist, occupies a unique position in contemporary Indian intellectual life by bridging the worlds of creative literature and critical social inquiry. His poetic journey began significantly with the 1993 collection 'Saca Sune Hue Kaï Dina Hue' (Truth Heard Many Days Ago). As a social historian and cultural anthropologist, Narayan pioneered a methodological shift away from elite archives toward the oral traditions and folk myths of marginalized communities. He eventually legitimized "folk-ethnography" as a rigorous academic discipline during his tenure as Director of the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute.

Why link women’s reservation to delimitation? The unspoken political calculus

By Vikas Meshram* April 16, 2026, is likely to be recorded as a special day in the history of Indian democracy. In a three-day special session of Parliament, the central government is set to introduce a comprehensive package of three historic bills: the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Delimitation Bill, 2026; and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. The stated purpose of all three is the same: to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (106th Constitutional Amendment) passed in 2023. However, the political intent concealed behind these measures — and their impact on the federal balance — is far more profound. It is absolutely essential to understand this.

Catholic union opposes FCRA amendments, warns of threat to Church institutions

By A Representative The All India Catholic Union (AICU) has raised serious concerns over what it describes as growing threats to religious freedom, minority rights, and constitutional safeguards in India, warning that recent policy and legislative trends could undermine the country’s secular and federal framework.

'It's power grab, not reform': Uttarakhand hills fear marginalization under new delimitation

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* The proposed delimitation bill, coupled with the women’s reservation bill, is a calculated attempt to divert attention during state elections while laying the groundwork for long-term power consolidation through a north Indian hegemony. India’s constitution-making process was arduous, but it was guided by leaders deeply committed to unity and integrity. They ensured no community felt betrayed, and the foundation of modern India was laid on inclusivity. Any attempt to alter this balance must be approached with caution and respect for that legacy.

Search This Blog