It is a decisive win for Prime Minister Narendra Modi, BJP and NDA. And we need to explore the reasons too. As for the Congress-led UPA, the situation appears only a little better than what it hitherto was. And as for the regional parties, they seem to be on the decline, except for the YSR Congress in Andhra, the BJD in Odisha, the TRS in Telengana and the DMK in Tamil Nadu (largely in South India). The Left is totally left out.
What explains the opposition campaign fizzling out?
The critical strong points of the Congress challenge were all mistimed. The appreciable manifesto and its core proposal of NYAY (the basic minimum income for the marginalized) were late in the day, and could not be communicated well to the grassroots by the party which had little in the form of organized grassroots apparatus and always dependent on mass media to do its talking, which the media in this election was not willing to, being heavily influenced by those in power.Secondly, Priyanka Gandhi coming late did not very much help beyond enthusing the Uttar Pradesh Congress cadre; she did not contest and did not even campaign in states where the Congress had just came into power (Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan). This was a crucial mistake. Even MP strongman Jyotiraditya Scindia -- engaging largely in western UP due to Kamal Nath's antagonism towards him -- was a poor strategy.
Thirdly, the collective opposition to communal politics and polarization of BJP could not be forged by the opposition. The Congress floundered badly in forging an alliance in Bengal (with Left or Trinamool Congress), Haryana (with Jannayak Janta Party and Aam Admi Party), Delhi (with AAP) and UP (with Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party). The need was for all to combat BJP and not restricting each other's sphere of influence.
And finally, absence of a single face of the opposition and lack of a coherent national strategy of all anti-BJP forces are so telling in the total tally. Leaving the three critical newly won states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh purely to the local satraps and away from a national strategy of joint opposition, was a crucial mistake of Rahul Gandhi. The Congress did not work to consolidate its strong points, and was wobbling to fight in the weaker pockets, except for Kerala.
What explains the clear win of BJP-led NDA?
Surely, a new set of social coalitions has been evolved by the Sangh Parivar which also involves Dalits and other backward classes (OBCs) contrary to the expectations before the elections.The UP fiasco of the opposition shows that transfer of votes between SP and BSP did not happen and BJP could garner a large part of the votes of non-Jatav Dalits and non-Yadav OBCs. BJP could also polarize a large part of the Hindu voters in Bengal and central India, irrespective of castes, either on local issues against the chief ministers there, or on issues of nationalism and Modi's leadership.
Then, the use and abuse of the Election Commission with selective measures against opposition leaders, of the Enforcement Directorate with raids only in the homes and offices of opposition leaders while far larger amounts were being spent by the ruling party and its candidates, the CBI with investigations at crucial times against selected opposition leaders, the valour and sacrifice of the army during Pulwama and Balakot episodes, selective denial of facts as seen in case of an Indian Air Force mistaken attack on its own aircraft killing soldiers and destroying the aircraft, spread of several fake news and videos, to the extent of attempting to manage the election process with faulty EVMs at many places and change EVM machines as well: also paid off for BJP to ensure the final results.
These criticisms cannot be totally brushed under the carpet in the moment of NDA glory for the sake of future of Indian democracy (and, for records, let me note, Indira Congress did manipulate elections grossly during its heyday in the past, too).
Needless to say, no single opposition face for the Prime Minister's position, no coherent opposition national strategy, coupled with mobilization of the entire Sangh Parivar nationally, and blatant religious polarization on majoritarian identity grounds helped BJP ride the tide of a critical economic situation and failure on macro-economic fronts with joblessness, farm crisis, lower GDP and per capita growth than pre-2014 times, negative impact of demonetization and GST etc., writ large on the nation's face, which have also been mentioned by the BJP Rajya Sabha MP, Subramaniam Swamy, in his latest tweet, even while congratulating the party for the win.
What lies ahead hereafter?
While the de jure constitutional system of Indian polity is parliamentary a la British type, in effect and de facto India is turning into a presidential form of a polity (if still not so in governance) a la American type. This may further be consolidated.We may find constitutional amendments agalore, with regard to Articles 370, 35A, form of government, the goals of socialism and secularism in the preamble of the Constitution, etc. There can be newer laws regarding triple talaq, mandir construction, national citizens' registry and citizenship, sedition et al. These may further divide the society as well.
As for the opposition, regional parties, following their setback, may consider consolidation with the forces behind and around the Congress. Though the Congress influence is limited, a divided opposition, riddled with caste and regional divisions, can never challenge BJP on its own.
Even within NDA, BJP will usurp the politics of Shiv Sena, as both hinge on Hindutva, and of the Janata Dal (United), as Nitish Kumar's personal pull and effectiveness have come down drastically, and it is BJP which appears all set to be the leading partner in Bihar and Maharashtra.
Now that political consolidation of power is almost complete across most of India for BJP, the theatre of political high drama will turn to be the south of India, where BJP is expected to replace the Left as the main opposition in Kerala, work in tandem with YSR Congress in Andhra Pradesh and TRS in Telengana, and aim to oust the Congress-JDS government in Karnataka by fair or foul means.
Also in Tamil Nadu, AIADMK will further degenerate and will play second fiddle to BJP going ahead for its limited relevance. Even BJD in Odisha will come to a broad understanding with BJP in the interests of the state, for now.
Further, Delhi and Bengal will be theatre of high drama, with state elections round the corner within a year or so. Expect a bigger round of violence in Bengal ahead, with competitive violence and communalism of both the incumbent TMC and the challenger BJP not willing to give an inch to each other.
Expect AAP to go for a pitched battle for the mind of Delhi electorate with its governance track-record vis-a-vis BJP pledging Central support, if elected to power.
Also, it is expected that the Modi Government 2.0 will have a much different composition of its council of ministers. And it will be interesting to note the new set of ministers who are expected to be younger, on one side, and more pliant to the Modi-Amit Shah leadership on the other.
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