Skip to main content

A Marxian trend that queries undemocratic customs and traditions of capitalism

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak* 

A very well-meaning comrade called me a pluriversal Marxist with a wild smile full of English irony, while chairing my book release function in the Marx Memorial Library, London. I dedicate this piece to her…
There is no other philosopher who is more abused and misunderstood like Marx. There is no other philosophy like Marxism which is more demonised on a regular basis. The mindless vilification campaign against Marx and Marxism continues without any form of reason. The propaganda and portrayal of Marxism as a devilish doctrine signify its importance as a philosophy of human emancipation from the very forces who demonise it.
Marxism is a philosophy of praxis which helps us to understand the centrality of creative power of labour in producing socially meaningful value. It helps us to analyse the laws governing production, distribution, consumption, exchange, market, profit, pricing and private property in the development of class-based society.
As a humanist philosophy, Marxism helps to understand the processes of history of class formation, mass alienation and class conflict. It informs us the subjective and objective conditions, and causes of inequalities, exploitation and injustice. Many distractors of Marx have tried to reduce Marx as a European philosopher and Marxism as the European philosophy.
But for Marx, ‘no human is alien’. Marx was writing for the emancipation of every human being in the planet. Marxism is not only a critique of capitalist system but also offers alternative systems based on compassion, humanism, equality, justice, freedom and democracy. Provincializing Marx and Marxism is not possible. He is the first philosopher from Europe who moved away from the dominance of the Cartesian dualism within European knowledge traditions and revolutionised it with dialectics.
The dialectical knowledge traditions are based on differentiation which moves away from the narrow silos of casual analysis and focuses on the conditions or relationships between different factors of history, economics, politics, culture, religion, traditions, science and secularism. The dialectical knowledge tradition accommodates contradictions, diversities, debates, discourses, dilemmas, opposition and negations based on different contexts.
In this way, the dialectical tradition in Marxism is fundamentally opposed to the dualities of European knowledge traditions and its universalizing tendencies during and after colonialism. ‘The knowledge that is emanating from Europe is science whereas African, Asian and American knowledge traditions are ethnography. 
European knowledge is reason and other knowledge traditions are mystic, cultural and religious beliefs’. Such bogus dualities of distinction within Eurocentric knowledge traditions are not only reductionist but also racist.
The European colonialism has universalised its knowledge traditions based on Descartean duality by silencing multiple knowledge traditions within and outside western Europe. It is within this context, one needs to engage with issues of class consciousness, class organisation and class struggle from the Marxist perspectives by moving away from the narrow silos of dualities.
The dynamism of capital and its global system has created conditions where the concept of ‘class’ is very different from the concept of ‘class and class-based’ exploitation during nineteenth century. There are different layers of class-based exploitation in twenty first century. 
These exploitative layers are based on gender, sexuality, race, religious and linguistic marginalisation. These multiple and overlapping forms of exploitations, violence and oppressions are not independent from each other but intersect with each other within a capitalist system.
Capitalism has used these layers as fragmented fault lines to divide and demonise class-based politics of emancipation. Therefore, the emancipatory politics of intersectionality needs to be inclusive and engage with the pre-existing conditions of unequal social, economic political, religious, regional and cultural relations shaping production and reproduction within different forms of capitalism. It is significant to look at different contemporary issues in historical terms and locate inherently exploitative systems promoted by capitalism.
A pluriversal Marxist is not an intersectional Marxist. Intersectionality helps to understand multiple and overlapping forms of exploitation and oppression. It helps to understand different layers of violence under capitalist system embedded with reactionary social, cultural, political, religious and economic forces.
For a successful mass struggle, pluriversal Marxism needs to engage with specific conditions and understand different layers of capitalism
However, the politics of intersectionality ignores pre-existing social relations and economic conditions that continue to exist and accelerated by capitalist system. The politics of mere representation is not radical enough to change these unequal conditions in the society. 
The intersectionalists attempt to find answer within capitalism. Reform and not revolution is their moto. In this way, the intersectionalists reproduce different forms of inequalities. Intersectionalists have failed to offer any alternatives and failed to create sites of struggles for alternatives.
The de-radicalisation is an inadvertent outcome of libertarian and liberal intersectionality as a political approach to emancipatory struggles. Therefore, for a successful mass struggle, pluriversal Marxism needs to engage with specific conditions and understand different layers, structures and institutions of capitalism and its reactionary culture in different spheres of life in a class-based capitalist society.
Pluriversal Marxist means embracing all in our planet where all live-in harmony with nature and with each other. It means solidarity of all marginalised voices in the world to ensure shared peace, prosperity and non-discriminatory coexistence with equal access to resources.
Pluriversal Marxism questions all forms of dominant narratives, power relations, institutions and structured established by capitalism and its undemocratic customs and traditions. Pluriversal consciousness helps Marxism in establishing co-relationship between multiple forms of existence within a mode of dialectical thought that is inclusive in spirit and actions.
It helps Marxism to move beyond its myopic linearity, empiricist tendencies and functionalist formalisms. It is important to understand pluriversal nature of the capitalist world to struggle for another world free from all forms of exploitation, inequalities, oppressions and violence. A pluriversal Marxism can only establish and intersect diverse issues and multiple conditions within a thread of solidarity for a radical emancipatory future.
---
*University of Glasgow, UK

Comments

TRENDING

Plastic burning in homes threatens food, water and air across Global South: Study

By Jag Jivan  In a groundbreaking  study  spanning 26 countries across the Global South , researchers have uncovered the widespread and concerning practice of households burning plastic waste as a fuel for cooking, heating, and other domestic needs. The research, published in Nature Communications , reveals that this hazardous method of managing both waste and energy poverty is driven by systemic failures in municipal services and the unaffordability of clean alternatives, posing severe risks to human health and the environment.

Economic superpower’s social failure? Inequality, malnutrition and crisis of India's democracy

By Vikas Meshram  India may be celebrated as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, but a closer look at who benefits from that growth tells a starkly different story. The recently released World Inequality Report 2026 lays bare a country sharply divided by wealth, privilege and power. According to the report, nearly 65 percent of India’s total wealth is owned by the richest 10 percent of its population, while the bottom half of the country controls barely 6.4 percent. The top one percent—around 14 million people—holds more than 40 percent, the highest concentration since 1961. Meanwhile, the female labour force participation rate is a dismal 15.7 percent.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

From colonial mercantilism to Hindutva: New book on the making of power in Gujarat

By Rajiv Shah  Professor Ghanshyam Shah ’s latest book, “ Caste-Class Hegemony and State Power: A Study of Gujarat Politics ”, published by Routledge , is penned by one of Gujarat ’s most respected chroniclers, drawing on decades of fieldwork in the state. It seeks to dissect how caste and class factors overlap to perpetuate the hegemony of upper strata in an ostensibly democratic polity. The book probes the dominance of two main political parties in Gujarat—the Indian National Congress and the BJP—arguing that both have sustained capitalist growth while reinforcing Brahmanic hierarchies.

The greatest threat to our food system: The aggressive push for GM crops

By Bharat Dogra  Thanks to the courageous resistance of several leading scientists who continue to speak the truth despite increasing pressures from the powerful GM crop and GM food lobby , the many-sided and in some contexts irreversible environmental and health impacts of GM foods and crops, as well as the highly disruptive effects of this technology on farmers, are widely known today. 

History, culture and literature of Fatehpur, UP, from where Maulana Hasrat Mohani hailed

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a member of the Constituent Assembly and an extremely important leader of our freedom movement. Born in Unnao district of Uttar Pradesh, Hasrat Mohani's relationship with nearby district of Fatehpur is interesting and not explored much by biographers and historians. Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri has written a book on Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Fatehpur. The book is in Urdu.  He has just come out with another important book, 'Hindi kee Pratham Rachna: Chandayan' authored by Mulla Daud Dalmai.' During my recent visit to Fatehpur town, I had an opportunity to meet Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri and recorded a conversation with him on issues of history, culture and literature of Fatehpur. Sharing this conversation here with you. Kindly click this link. --- *Human rights defender. Facebook https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat , X @freetohumanity, Skype @vbrawat

UP tribal woman human rights defender Sokalo released on bail

By  A  Representative After almost five months in jail, Adivasi human rights defender and forest worker Sokalo Gond has been finally released on bail.Despite being granted bail on October 4, technical and procedural issues kept Sokalo behind bars until November 1. The Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) and the All India Union of Forest Working People (AIUFWP), which are backing Sokalo, called it a "major victory." Sokalo's release follows the earlier releases of Kismatiya and Sukhdev Gond in September. "All three forest workers and human rights defenders were illegally incarcerated under false charges, in what is the State's way of punishing those who are active in their fight for the proper implementation of the Forest Rights Act (2006)", said a CJP statement.

May the Earth Be Auspicious: Vedic ecology and contemporary crisis in Ashok Vajpeyi’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan*  Ashok Vajpeyi, born in 1941, occupies a singular position in contemporary Hindi poetry as a poet whose work quietly but decisively reorients modern literary consciousness toward ethical, ecological, and civilizational questions. Across more than six decades of writing, Vajpeyi has forged a poetic idiom marked by restraint, philosophical attentiveness, and moral seriousness, resisting both rhetorical excess and ideological simplification. 

Would breaking idols, burning books annihilate caste? Recalling a 1972 Dalit protest

By Rajiv Shah  A few days ago, I received an email alert from a veteran human rights leader who has fought many battles in Gujarat for the Dalit cause — both through ground-level campaigns and courtroom struggles. The alert, sent in Gujarati by Valjibhai Patel, who heads the Council for Social Justice, stated: “In 1935, Babasaheb Ambedkar burnt the Manusmriti . In 1972, we broke the idol of Krishna , whom we regarded as the creator of the varna (caste) system.”