Skip to main content

Born two decades ago, how the banned Maoist party failed to withstand evolving socio-political realities

By Harsh Thakor* 
On September 21, exactly two decades ago, the now banned Communist Party of India (Maoist) (CPI-Maoist) was established.  It was born following the merger brought of two factions—the Maoist Communist Centre of India, primarily based in Bihar and West Bengal, and the CPI (ML) People’s War—after more than 30 years of intense armed struggle and internal conflicts. 
Since its formation on September 21, 2004, sources in the the CPI (Maoist) claim,  as many as 5,249 comrades, including 22 members of its Central Committee, among whom a significant number are women, were killed mainly during encounter with Indian security forces. 
The journey of the CPI (Maoist) is rooted in the famous 1967 Naxalbari uprising led by  Charu Mazumdar, which was praised by the Communist Party of China (CPC) as the "Spring Thunder over India." The uprising followed a revolt within the CPI (M) by those who adhered to the  Maoist ideology, emphasizing an armed agrarian revolution and area-wide political power seizure. 
The party's military strategy included protracted people’s war (PPW), which has now turned into  currently turned into what it calls ‘strategic defense.’ It claims to have wage liberation movement against the Indian state by opposing the privatization of resources, labor exploitation, and the spread of the Hindutva ideology. In regions of Central India, it supplanted ‘people’s governments’ in several regions, claiming, these have been formed by Adivasi peasants, demonstrating a genuine implementation of self-governance. 
Many Maoist leaders, active since the 1970s and 1980s, are currently enduring the harsh realities of underground life with minimal resources or recognition, even as facing severe state repression over multiple decades starting with the  crackdown on Naxalbari uprising. 
After the CPI (Maoist) was formed in 2004, the government identified it as a principal internal security threat, escalating counterinsurgency operations, which include the most recent ones like the Operation Kagaar and the Operation Green Hunt. 
The Indian government first launches a nationwide counterinsurgency operation in 2009. Under BJP rule since 2014, it  intensified operations, which critics say, is meant to implement corporatization and militarization of the conflict zones, where there have been frequent  drone strikes and aerial bombings in the tribal regions. 
Several intellectuals and activists have praised the CPI (Maoist) for its contributions to social and economic development in rural areas. Authors such as Arundhati Roy and Gautam Navlakha have highlight the Maoists' role in fostering self-governance and improving the quality of life for the rural poor. However, critics note the challenges faced by Maoists, including dwindling ranks and internal divisions. 
Despite its big claims, the CPI (Maoist) has faced considerable setbacks, with a  number of its members killed or surrendering due to heightened state pressure and the allure of government incentives. This situation has raised questions about the party's connection to the people and its strategic approaches. 
The CPI (Maoist) acknowledges significant losses over the past year, particularly in Chhattisgarh, revealing vulnerabilities in its structure. In documenting these losses, the party has recognized the efficacy of state forces and their counterinsurgency tactics. 
Questions have been raised on the ability of the CPI (Maoist) in the present situation to gain traction among the broader marginalized population and effectively address the root causes of discontent. It has failed to navigate internal and external challenges that threaten to undermine its stated  objectives.
In a 25-page booklet, released on August 25, CPI (Maoist) has admitted that the heightened aggression of security forces and ‘cordon, search and kill tactics’ have significantly weakened its organization.
According to the report, 22 high-ranking commanders have been killed, including eight members of the CPI (Maoist) politburo. The toll includes 48 SZC (special zonal committee) members, 14 regional committee members, 167 district committee members, 26 sub-zonal committee members, 505 ACMs (area committee members) and platoon cadres, 887 People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) cadres and what it calls 3,596 ‘fighters’.
The booklet  details the impact of the insurgency on state forces, including Chhattisgarh. Maoists claim to have killed 3,090 security personnel and injuring 4,077. The banned outfit says its cadres carried out 4,073 incidents of violence “between Burkapal and Tahkawada in Bastar”, and “extending into Maharashtra, Odisha, and Jharkhand”.
Indeed, the methods and ideology of the CPI (Maoist) have failed to sustain the party  amidst intensified state repression and evolving socio-political realities. The result is (i) the CPI (Maoist) leadership’s alienation from the people; (ii) popular resentment against its activities; and (iii) its fast-extinguishing  base in the forests of Chhattisgarh, Telangana and the border areas of Gadchiroli in Maharashtra.
---
*Freelance journalist

Comments

  1. Quite informative piece one hasly find any mentioned in mainstream or social media. I wish the could have included the impact of Salwa Judum created by the BJP Govt., on the Maoist movement in Chattisgargh which was declared by 3 member branch of the SC as illegal. To circumvent SC decision BJP continued onslaught on Maoists under different name. Also, the author appears too soft in criticizing UPA Govt which under HM Chidamberan started "operation green hunt in WB backed by LatecSitaram ayechuri of CPIM.then Jajya Sabha member.

    ReplyDelete

Post a Comment

NOTE: Hateful, abusive comments won't be published. -- Editor

TRENDING

Arrival of USS Lincoln: A ‘leisure trip’ to Thailand or a neo-colonial move to commodify women?

By Benyasiri Eimviriyapong   The arrival of the USS Abraham Lincoln (CVN-72) for a ‘leisure trip’ in Thailand before returning to its campaign of destruction against the people of West Asia demands immediate interrogation and opposition. For us Thai people, and those in sites of American plunder across the globe, this a rattling of the US’ cold war colonial chains on its most loyal lap dog, while conducting a war of aggression in Iran and the ongoing genocide in Palestine. In allowing the USS Lincoln to dock, the Thai ruling elites are once again facilitating a system of imperial violence that extends far beyond Southeast Asian borders, a system which in our case, is predicated on sexual violence and femicide.

Pilgrimage or pollution? The waste crisis of Indian faith

By Raj Kumar Sinha*  In today's times, there are certain issues that are constantly talked about and discussed, yet no visible impact seems to be made. Beyond water, soil, and pollution, one crisis that continues to be overlooked is waste. Like other life-threatening problems, waste too is gradually moving toward burying and obliterating us. After the Kanwar Yatra in Haridwar, approximately 8,000 tonnes of waste were left behind on the riverbanks, including bottles filled with urine. 

The 'Dr' debate masks a larger crisis in allied-health education

By Dr P K Gupta*  India’s allied-health professions have long operated in a fragmented landscape of universities, hospitals, State authorities and private institutions, each with its own nomenclature, curriculum and standards. The National Commission for Allied and Healthcare Professions Act, 2021 was meant to correct this by creating a unified national framework for education, professional regulation and institutional recognition. Few dispute the need for such oversight. The real question is whether standardisation is quietly becoming synonymous with longer courses, additional internships and new professional titles—changes that risk masking deeper gaps in clinical training, institutional capacity and affordability.