Skip to main content

PMJVK fails to live up to its promises, depriving marginalised communities


By Birendra Ram Mishra, Ramprashan Singh, Santosh Kumar Pradhan, Sonu Khan, Gatha G Namboothiri*
Pradhan Mantri Jan Vikas Karyakram (PMJVK), anchored by the Ministry of Minority Affairs, is the revamped and restructured version of the Multi-sectoral Development Programme (MsDP). A Centrally Sponsored Infrastructure Support Scheme, PMJVK aims to provide the minority communities with socio-economic infrastructure facilities in the field of education, health and skill development. It is one of the several schemes covered under the Prime Minister’s New 15-Point Programme for the Welfare of Minorities, launched in 2005.
It was launched in 90 Minority Concentrated Districts. However, since the size of the districts were too big, the benefits seldom reached the grassroots. Thus, in 2012-14, the focus was shifted to Minority Concentration Blocks (MCB), Minority Concentration Towns (MCT) and Clusters of Minority Concentration Villages (Cluster) to ensure that the grassroots level communities are directly targeted.
In the financial year 2019-20, the Ministry of Minority Affairs was allocated almost 4700.00 crores. Out of this, 31.28% was allocated for PMJVK, the second-highest allocation by the Ministry after ‘Education empowerment’.
Budget Estimate, Revised Estimate and Actual expenditure incurred under the PMJVK: DEMANDS FOR GRANTS (2019-20) FOURTH REPORT: MINISTRY OF MINORITY AFFAIRS

During one of our visits to Sisi, a Muslim-dominated village where we work, in the Gumla district of Jharkhand, we observed that the village had not been declared as a Cluster under the Multi-sectoral Development Programme (MsDP) scheme. The same is true for other villages such as Kotam, Katri, Luto and Panso. Most of these villages do not have a Primary Health Center (‘PHC’). While there is a designated PHC in Kotam, it has ill-equipped infrastructure and a constant staff shortage. The primary school in Kotam is used by Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) as a camp. Declaring these villages as minority clusters is one way to ensure that they get the much-needed attention from the government.
Earlier, the requirement to be covered by the MsDP scheme was for a District or a Block to have at least 50% minority population. In the revamped scheme now titled Pradhan Mantri Jan Vikas Karyakram (PMJVK), the criterion was lowered to a substantial minority population of 25%. Further, clusters of contiguous villages with a minimum of 25% minority population but are not within the identified Minority Concentrated Blocks (‘MCB’) can now be declared as Clusters of Minority Concentration Villages (‘Clusters’). However, in reality, villages have not been declared either under MCB or as Clusters.
Even when declarations have happened under this scheme, they have been based on grossly inaccurate baseline surveys. Our experience in Gumla shows that a village that was shown to have 70-80% of the Christian population only had two or three Christian households. The minority population of another village was declared to be 112%, which is a mathematical impossibility.
In 2017, an intervention titled Rehnuma, anchored by National Foundation for India (‘NFI’) and Centre for Social Justice (‘CSJ’), released their study report spanning seven states. The report, which studied the implementation of the Prime Minister’s New 15-Point Programme for the Welfare of Minorities (launched in 2005), noted as follows about the MsDP;
“An important concern with respect to MsDP is the low levels of physical outcome progress indicating poor rate of work completion under the programme. Hence, as of now, even though around 80% of the proposed funds for MsDP under the 12th Five-Year Plan (‘FYP’) have been spent, there is poor progress on the ground. This suggests an urgent need for better implementation of the programme by the Ministry.”
The reality remains the same, as can be seen from the situation in Jharkhand. This problem is not unique to one or two states in the country. As of December 2019, the PMJVK scheme is yet to take off in 8 states as projects have not been approved in those states, while in a few other states, funds have been sanctioned, but not projects. There are also states like Uttar Pradesh, where the state government had only utilised 10% of the funds released under the Pradhan Mantri Jan Vikas Karyakram (PMJVK) scheme 2019-2020.
The Parliamentary Standing Committee Report on Social Justice and Empowerment titled ‘Implementation of Scheme of Multi-Sectoral Development Programme/ Pradhan Mantri Jan Vikas Karyakram’ of August 2018 noted several shortcomings of the scheme. The report noted that due to a lack of disaggregated data regarding the communities covered by the scheme, it was not possible to assess the impact of the scheme on the targeted communities. It noted with concern that the projects relating to drinking water supply and pucca housing had not been included in PMJVK. It also recommended the completion of education and health-related projects sanctioned/ undertaken. In addition, there were multiple issues such as the long gestation period of projects, delay in transfer of funds etc, which led to low utilisation of funds. The report also pointed out that; “the Committee found that despite having several monitoring mechanisms, the impact of MsDP is hardly visible in the Minority Concentration Areas”.

Weak processes and systems

There are six minority communities recognised and notified under Section 2(c) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992 – Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists, Zoroastrians and Jains. While the scheme initially targeted Minority Concentrated Districts (MCDs) with at least a 50% minority population, it was soon understood that the districts’ size was too big for the benefits to reach the grassroots. Thus, in 2012-14, the focus was shifted to Minority Concentration Blocks (MCB), Minority Concentration Towns (MCT) and Clusters of Minority Concentration Villages. Thus now, the grassroots level communities are directly targeted. This sharpened focus of the scheme reduced the stringent criteria, which seems beneficial for the communities that did not have the expected results at the grassroots level.
Since its inception, the scheme been plagued by inefficient processes and systems, leading to substantial implementational hurdles. This scheme is monitored and regulated by various committees formed at various administrative levels such as the State Level Committee, District Level Committee, Block Level Committees, etc. However, it has been observed that the members in the Committees formed do not receive requisite training. This causes problems as they remain unclear on how to carry out their functions exactly. The unclarity further makes it difficult for these Committees to determine where/which infrastructure is to be developed. A second main factor working against the efficacy of PMJVK is the lack of awareness about the scheme at the ground level. In such situations of state failure, civil society organisations and non-governmental organisations are left to fulfil the state’s obligations. They have to step forward now and exert pressure on the authorities to declare clusters and identify projects.
This dilution in criteria has also, however, raised a concern too. The Sachar committee report, which paved the way for many minority-targeted schemes, including MsDP, was instrumental in demonstrating that the Muslim community lagged behind most communities on socio-economic indices. While reducing the population percentage parameter has ensured that the geographical coverage is more for the scheme, one of the primary beneficiaries (Muslims) is once again left with lesser resources.

The authors are associated with the Jharkhand Unit of the Centre for Social Justiceand are actively involved in providing legal representation to marginalised communities in Gumla. They may be contacted at rehnuma.jharkhand@gmail.com. Views are personal. This article was initially published in Newsclick

Comments

TRENDING

Whither space for the marginalised in Kerala's privately-driven townships after landslides?

By Ipshita Basu, Sudheesh R.C.  In the early hours of July 30 2024, a landslide in the Wayanad district of Kerala state, India, killed 400 people. The Punjirimattom, Mundakkai, Vellarimala and Chooralmala villages in the Western Ghats mountain range turned into a dystopian rubble of uprooted trees and debris.

Advocacy group decries 'hyper-centralization' as States’ share of health funds plummets

By A Representative   In a major pre-budget mobilization, the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan (JSA), India’s leading public health advocacy network, has issued a sharp critique of the Union government’s health spending and demanded a doubling of the health budget for the upcoming 2026-27 fiscal year. 

Stands 'exposed': Cavalier attitude towards rushed construction of Char Dham project

By Bharat Dogra*  The nation heaved a big sigh of relief when the 41 workers trapped in the under-construction Silkyara-Barkot tunnel (Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand) were finally rescued on November 28 after a 17-day rescue effort. All those involved in the rescue effort deserve a big thanks of the entire country. The government deserves appreciation for providing all-round support.

Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar’s views on religion as Tagore’s saw them

By Harasankar Adhikari   Religion has become a visible subject in India’s public discourse, particularly where it intersects with political debate. Recent events, including a mass Gita chanting programme in Kolkata and other incidents involving public expressions of faith, have drawn attention to how religion features in everyday life. These developments have raised questions about the relationship between modern technological progress and traditional religious practice.

Election bells ringing in Nepal: Can ousted premier Oli return to power?

By Nava Thakuria*  Nepal is preparing for a national election necessitated by the collapse of KP Sharma Oli’s government at the height of a Gen Z rebellion (youth uprising) in September 2025. The polls are scheduled for 5 March. The Himalayan nation last conducted a general election in 2022, with the next polls originally due in 2027.  However, following the dissolution of Nepal’s lower house of Parliament last year by President Ram Chandra Poudel, the electoral process began under the patronage of an interim government installed on 12 September under the leadership of retired Supreme Court judge Sushila Karki. The Hindu-majority nation of over 29 million people will witness more than 3,400 electoral candidates, including 390 women, representing 68 political parties as well as independents, vying for 165 seats in the 275-member House of Representatives.

Delhi Jal Board under fire as CAG finds 55% groundwater unfit for consumption

By A Representative   A Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India audit report tabled in the Delhi Legislative Assembly on 7 January 2026 has revealed alarming lapses in the quality and safety of drinking water supplied by the Delhi Jal Board (DJB), raising serious public health concerns for residents of the capital. 

Pairing not with law but with perpetrators: Pavlovian response to lynchings in India

By Vikash Narain Rai* Lynch-law owes its name to James Lynch, the legendary Warden of Galway, Ireland, who tried, condemned and executed his own son in 1493 for defrauding and killing strangers. But, today, what kind of a person will justify the lynching for any reason whatsoever? Will perhaps resemble the proverbial ‘wrong man to meet at wrong road at night!’

Jayanthi Natarajan "never stood by tribals' rights" in MNC Vedanta's move to mine Niyamigiri Hills in Odisha

By A Representative The Odisha Chapter of the Campaign for Survival and Dignity (CSD), which played a vital role in the struggle for the enactment of historic Forest Rights Act, 2006 has blamed former Union environment minister Jaynaynthi Natarjan for failing to play any vital role to defend the tribals' rights in the forest areas during her tenure under the former UPA government. Countering her recent statement that she rejected environmental clearance to Vendanta, the top UK-based NMC, despite tremendous pressure from her colleagues in Cabinet and huge criticism from industry, and the claim that her decision was “upheld by the Supreme Court”, the CSD said this is simply not true, and actually she "disrespected" FRA.

Zhou Enlai: The enigmatic premier who stabilized chaos—at what cost?

By Harsh Thakor*  Zhou Enlai (1898–1976) served as the first Premier of the People's Republic of China (PRC) from 1949 until his death and as Foreign Minister from 1949 to 1958. He played a central role in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for over five decades, contributing to its organization, military efforts, diplomacy, and governance. His tenure spanned key events including the Long March, World War II alliances, the founding of the PRC, the Korean War, and the Cultural Revolution.