"Disregarding" Whistleblowers Act, Central govt creates "internal mechanism" for receiving complaints

By A Representative
A senior civil society activist brought to light an alarming development. Circulating a resolution of the Government of India, issued by the Department of Personnel and Training amending the Public Interest Disclosure Resolution (PIDPI Resolution), the activist has said, the Government of India has sought to create an “internal mechanism” to receive complaints from government employees wanting to blow the whistle on corruption instead of the one that existed earlier. Previously, the whistleblowers could send their complaints directly to the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC).
The earlier PDPIR Resolution was promulgated in August 2013 “in the wake of the murder of two young, honest and responsible employees -- late Satyendra Dubey and late S. Manjunath -- who tried to expose alleged corruption in the affairs of the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) and the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), respectively”, said senior activist Venkatesh Nayak of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI).
“The latest amendment to the PIDPI Resolution creates an internal mechanism namely, Chief Vigilance Officers (CVOs), for receiving complaints from whistleblowers in Central government departments and Central public sector undertakings. Earlier, under the original resolution, whistleblowers could send their complaints only to the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC). The Union Cabinet had approved this amendment to the PIDPI Resolution in August last year”, Nayak explains.
Posing the question as to “what is wrong with this amendment”, Nayak says, “Parliament enacted the Whistleblowers Protection Act in 2014 after keeping it pending for almost three years. The Rajya Sabha approved this legislation on the last day of the last session of the 15th Lok Sabha. The President signed this Bill into law on May 9 and it was gazetted on May 12 this year.”
“However”, he underlines, “the Central Government has not yet enforced this law. Unless Parliament sets a time limit for enforcement of a law that it enacts (as was the case with the Right to Information Act, 2005), enforcement of that law is left to the discretion of the Central Government”.
Nayak especially questions the new change in view of the fact that “Section 31(1) of the Whistleblowers Protection Act repeals the PIDPI Resolution. So the question that arises is whether the Government can amend a Resolution after Parliament has repealed it.”
Pointing out that “none of the provisions of the Whistleblowers Act have come into force till date”, the activist says, “So the repeal provision is also not in force”. Hence, “technically, the amendment to the PIDPI Resolution may have legal cover. The government's actions must not only be legal, they must also be legitimate.”
Nayak further says, “Parliament had clearly indicated its intention by repealing the PIDPI Resolution and replacing it with a comprehensive statute that contains a reasonably complete mechanism for protecting whistleblowers. The only latitude Parliament gave to the government was to fix the date for its enforcement after making appropriate arrangements such as notifying the rules and regulations under this law.”
“However, the Government seems to be delaying the implementation of this law and instead is pushing for the strengthening of its own resolution which in theory stands repealed. This amounts to an affront to the the dignity and will of Parliament”, the activists says, wondering if “constitutional experts and Parliament-watchers may point if this is correct and if this action of amending a resolution which Parliament repealed would constitute a breach of privilege of Parliament”.
Pointing towards options available, Nayak says, “Section 2(b) of the Whistleblowers Act empowers the Central Government to declare any authority other than the CVC and a handful of other authorities mentioned in that clause as 'competent authorities' to receive whistleblower complaints.”
The government could have enforced this law and designated the CVOs as competent authorities without any reference to the repealed PIDPI Resolution. Doing so would have been not only legal but also legitimate.”

Comments

Telangana government urged to stop 'unconstitutional' relocation of Chenchu tribes

By A Representative The Nallamalla forests are witnessing a renewed surge of indigenous resistance as the Chenchu adivasis , a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG), have formally launched the Chenchu Solidarity Forum (CSF) on the eve of World Earth Day to combat what they describe as unlawful and forced relocation from the Amrabad Tiger Reserve .

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks.

Dhandhuka violence: Gujarat minority group seeks judicial action, cites targeted arson

By A Representative The Minority Coordination Committee (MCC) Gujarat has written to the Director General of Police seeking judicial action in connection with recent violence in Dhandhuka town of Ahmedabad district, alleging targeted attacks on properties belonging to members of the Muslim community following a fatal altercation between two bike riders on April 18.

Cracks in Gujarat model? Surat’s exodus reveals precarity behind prosperity claims

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* The return of migrant workers from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, particularly from Gujarat, was inevitable. Gujarat has long been showcased as the epitome of “infrastructure” and the business-friendly Modi model. Yet, when governments become business-friendly, they require the poor to serve them—while keeping them precarious, unable to stabilize, demand fair wages, or assert their rights. The agenda is clear: workers must remain grateful for whatever crumbs the Seth ji offers.

'Fraudulent': Ex-civil servants urge President to halt Odisha tribal land dispossession

By A Representative A collective of 81 retired civil servants from the Constitutional Conduct Group has written to the President of India expressing alarm over what they describe as the wrongful dispossession of tribal lands in Odisha’s Rayagada district. The letter, dated April 19, 2026, highlights violent clashes in Kantamal village where police personnel reportedly injured over 70 tribal residents attempting to protect their community rights.

India 'violating international law obligations' over Israel ties: UN rapporteur

By A Representative Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, has alleged that India is “violating its obligations under international law” through its continued association with Israel, including defence ties and alleged arms exports during the ongoing conflict in Gaza.

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

By Syed Ali Mujtaba* The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Why Tamil Nadu, Periyar, and the Dravidian model aren't just regional phenomena

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* The election campaign in Tamil Nadu this season is strikingly different. The alliance led by the DMK is consistently referred to as the “ DMK alliance ,” not the “INDIA alliance.” This distinction is unsurprising given the state’s history: Tamil Nadu remains the only state to decisively reject “national” parties. The AIADMK’s surrender to the BJP after J. Jayalalithaa ’s death represents, in many ways, a betrayal of the politics of Tamil identity—an identity Periyar envisioned as Dravidian, not narrowly Tamil.

Chromatographies of the self: Gender, labour, and resistance in Deepti Kushwah's verse

By Ravi Ranjan* Any sensitive reader of contemporary Hindi poetry will find it impossible to overlook the eight poems by Deepti Kushwah recently published in Samalochan . This suite—comprising works such as ‘Ekākelī ābha’ (A Solitary Radiance), ‘Praśna mem camaktā huā’ (Glowing in the Question), and ‘Ek ankahī tapis’ (An Unspoken Heat)—constructs a multidimensional collage where colour transcends mere visual experience.

Search This Blog