Gujarat front-runner in "copying" Govt of India's effort to dilute Land Acquisition Act, 2013: Researchers

By A Representative
A comparison of the “amendments” carried out by different Indian states for diluting the UPA-adopted Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (RFCLARR) Act, 2013 suggests that Gujarat is the frontrunner in “copying” the changes, as proposed in the Act by the NDA after it came to power in 2014.
While the NDA government, under public pressure, “suspended” the changes it had sought to bring in through ordinance for diluting the RFCLARR Act, 2013, two researchers, Kanchi Kohli and Debayan Gupta, have said, Gujarat has "gone ahead" of other states “by incorporating all of the amendments, which the NDA has been trying to pass for the last two years, in the form of the RFCTLARR (Gujarat Amendment) Act, 2016.”
Quoting from the Statement of Object and Reasons of the Gujarat Act, the researchers say, the Act “aims to dilute the stringent provisions and make the ‘lengthy’ and ‘difficult’ process of land acquisition ‘smooth and easy’ since Gujarat is an ‘industrially progressive’ state.”
“The Amendment exempts projects that are vital to the national security or defense of India, rural infrastructural projects, affordable housing for poor people, industrial corridors and other infrastructural projects, including projects under public private partnerships from the purview of the RFCTLARR Act, 2013 and thus the provisions related to Social Impact Assessment (SIA) and consent do not apply to such projects”, the researchers say.
Titled “Mapping Dilutions in a Central Law: A Comparative Analysis of State Level Rules made under RFCTLARR Act, 2013”, the researchers’ working paper says, “The Department of Land Resources (DoLR), the Union Ministry of Rural Development and the Union Ministry of Home Affairs noted that the amendments in the Gujarat Bill are very similar to the ones which the NDA government has been trying to pass"

Referring them to the Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) on the land bill, the DoLR, the Union Ministry of Rural Development and the Union Home Ministry refused to send the Bill to the President for his assent. "This", the researchers says, was “overlooked", and the Bill did eventually find its way to the President of India", becoming a law on As of August 8, 2016.
Noting that “dilution in the consent clauses in other states like Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Telangana and Rajasthan has been done by way of similar :amendments”, the researchers note the Tamil Nadu state assembly “passed the RFCTLARR (Tamil Nadu Amendment) Act, 2014", introduced a new section.

Under it, "land acquisition carried out under the Tamil Nadu Acquisition of Land for Harijan Welfare Schemes Act, 1978, the Tamil Nadu Acquisition of Land for Industrial Purposes Act, 1997 and the Tamil Nadu Highways Act, 2001 is exempt from provisions of the RFCTLARR Act.”
“Fourfifths of the acquisition carried out in the state of Tamil Nadu is through these three Acts, and requirements for consent are absent in all three Acts. The RFCTLARR here is rendered obsolete in the cases where land is acquired under these Acts”, the researchers say.
Coming to other states, the researchers say, “Rules of the Maharashtra Government and the Draft Rajasthan Land Acquisition Bill also dilute the consent requirement of the Central Act. Both these Rules mention that consent will be taken for private projects only and not for PPPs.”
As for Telangana, on July 30, 2015, the Government of Telangana passed an order whose framework “allows land owners to participate in the development process by willingly selling their land for consideration, on the basis of an agreement between the land owners and the Procuring Agency.”
Saying that the “Procuring Agency as approved by the District Level Land Procurement Committee (DLLPC) is to be headed by the District Collector”, the researchers note, “The order of the Telangana Government, as opposed to the Central Act, provides for compensation only to the people with land and there is no provision for the landless poor and labourers.”

Comments

The soundtrack of resistance: How 'Sada Sada Ya Nabi' is fueling the Iran war

By Syed Ali Mujtaba* The Persian track “ Sada Sada Ya Nabi ye ” by Hossein Sotoodeh has taken the world by storm. This viral media has cut across linguistic barriers to achieve cult status, reaching over 10 million views. The electrifying music and passionate rendition by the Iranian singer have resonated across the globe, particularly as the high-intensity military conflict involving Iran entered its second month in March 2026.

Kolkata dialogue flags policy and finance deficit in wetland sustainability

By A Representative Wetlands were the focus of India–Germany climate talks in Kolkata, where experts from government, business, and civil society stressed both their ecological importance and the urgent need for stronger conservation frameworks.

Beyond Lata: How Asha Bhosle redefined the female voice with her underrated versatility

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* The news of iconic Asha Bhosle’s ‘untimely’ demise has shocked music lovers across the country. Asha Tai was 92 years young. Normally, people celebrate a passing at this age, but Asha Bhosle—much like another legend, Dev Anand—never made us feel she was growing old. She was perhaps the most versatile artist in Bombay cinema. Hailing from a family devoted to music, Asha’s journey to success and fame was not easy. Her elder sister, Lata Mangeshkar, had already become the voice of women in cinema, and most contemporaries like Shamshad Begum, Suraiya, and Noor Jehan had slowly faded into oblivion. Frankly, there was no second or third to Lata Mangeshkar; she became the first—and perhaps the only—choice for music directors and all those who mattered in filmmaking. Asha started her musical journey at age 10 with a Marathi film, but her first break in Hindustani cinema came with the film "Chunariya" (1948). Though she was not the first choice of ...

Maoist activity in India: Weakening structures, 'shifts' in leadership, strategy and ideology

By Harsh Thakor* Recent statements by government representatives have suggested that Maoism in India has been effectively eliminated, citing the weakening of central leadership and intensified security operations. These claims follow sustained counterinsurgency efforts across key regions, including central and eastern India. However, available information from security agencies and independent observers indicates that while the organizational structure of the CPI (Maoist) has been significantly disrupted, elements of the movement remain active. Reports acknowledge the continued presence of cadres in certain forested regions such as Bastar and parts of Dandakaranya, alongside smaller, decentralized units adapting their operational strategies.

From Manesar to Noida: Workers take to streets for bread, media looks away

By Sunil Kumar* Across several states in India, a workers’ movement is gathering momentum. This is not a movement born of luxury or ambition, nor a demand for power-sharing within the state. At its core lies a stark and basic plea: the right to survive with dignity—adequate food, and wages sufficient to afford it.

Midnight weeping: The sociology of tragic vision in Badri Narayan’s poetry

By Ravi Ranjan* Badri Narayan, a distinguished Hindi poet and social scientist, occupies a unique position in contemporary Indian intellectual life by bridging the worlds of creative literature and critical social inquiry. His poetic journey began significantly with the 1993 collection 'Saca Sune Hue Kaï Dina Hue' (Truth Heard Many Days Ago). As a social historian and cultural anthropologist, Narayan pioneered a methodological shift away from elite archives toward the oral traditions and folk myths of marginalized communities. He eventually legitimized "folk-ethnography" as a rigorous academic discipline during his tenure as Director of the G.B. Pant Social Science Institute.

Why link women’s reservation to delimitation? The unspoken political calculus

By Vikas Meshram* April 16, 2026, is likely to be recorded as a special day in the history of Indian democracy. In a three-day special session of Parliament, the central government is set to introduce a comprehensive package of three historic bills: the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Delimitation Bill, 2026; and the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026. The stated purpose of all three is the same: to implement the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam (106th Constitutional Amendment) passed in 2023. However, the political intent concealed behind these measures — and their impact on the federal balance — is far more profound. It is absolutely essential to understand this.

Catholic union opposes FCRA amendments, warns of threat to Church institutions

By A Representative The All India Catholic Union (AICU) has raised serious concerns over what it describes as growing threats to religious freedom, minority rights, and constitutional safeguards in India, warning that recent policy and legislative trends could undermine the country’s secular and federal framework.

'It's power grab, not reform': Uttarakhand hills fear marginalization under new delimitation

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* The proposed delimitation bill, coupled with the women’s reservation bill, is a calculated attempt to divert attention during state elections while laying the groundwork for long-term power consolidation through a north Indian hegemony. India’s constitution-making process was arduous, but it was guided by leaders deeply committed to unity and integrity. They ensured no community felt betrayed, and the foundation of modern India was laid on inclusivity. Any attempt to alter this balance must be approached with caution and respect for that legacy.

Search This Blog