Skip to main content

RTI interventions question freedom of MPs to act against their party’s diktat

By Venkatesh Nayak*
According to a recent news report published by a prominent national daily, some newly elected MLAs in West Bengal were being required by their leaders to sign an oath of allegiance to their political party. Whether this measure has been authorised by the party’s apex leadership or is more of a localised show of fealty to the leadership remains to be proved. However, two RTI interventions made recently, with the Secretariats of the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha shows that MPs never cast their vote in Parliament against the “whip” or the diktat of their respective political parties since May 2009 (until March 2016). The four RTI applications and responses received are attached.

Freedom of action in Parliament

Article 105(2) of the Constitution guarantees freedom of speech and action for every MP on the floor of the Houses of Parliament. No MP can be sued in a court of law for anything said or done on the floor of the House when Parliament is in session. This provision reads as follows:
“(2) No member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof, and no person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of either House of Parliament of any report, paper, votes or proceedings.”
However, the Tenth Schedule to the Constitution, popularly known as the anti-defection law, introduced by the 52nd constitutional amendment in 1985, makes voting or abstaining from voting, contrary to the directions issued by one’s political party, a ground for disqualifying an MP from the membership of the House. This disqualification is however subject to an exception. If the MP has voted or abstained from voting against the party “whip” by obtaining prior permission from the competent authority and such authority has condoned such action or abstention, he or she will not attract disqualification. Other grounds for disqualification of an MP include defecting from the parent political party without resigning one’s seat in the House.
In all such matters the decision as to whether the MP attracts disqualification from the membership of the House will be made by the Speaker in the case of the Lok Sabha (Lower House) or the Chairperson in the case of the Rajya Sabha (Upper House). Both Houses have notified Rules for implementing this anti-defection law. Although the legal provisions state that the decision of the presiding officer will be final, such decisions are subject to judicial review on grounds of mala fide intent, amongst others.
Rule 3(6) of The Members of Lok Sabha (Disqualification on Grounds of Defection) Rules, 1985 provides for the procedure for enforcing the provision for MPs to cast a vote against their party’s whip. This Rule reads as follows:
“(6) Where a member belonging to any political party votes or abstains from voting in the House contrary to any direction issued by such political party or by any person or authority authorised by it in this behalf, without obtaining, in either case, the prior permission of such political party, person or authority, the leader of the legislature party concerned or where such member is the leader, or as the case may be, the sole member of such legislature party, such member, shall, as soon as may be after the expiry of fifteen days from the date of such voting or abstention, and in any case within thirty days from the date of such voting or abstention, inform the Speaker as in Form II whethersuch voting or abstention has or has not been condoned by such political party, person or authority.
“Explanation.—A member may be regarded as having abstained from voting only when such member, being entitled to vote, voluntarily refrained from voting.”
Similarly Rule 3(5) of The Members of Rajya Sabha (Disqualification on Grounds of Defection) Rules, 1985 which applies to the MPs of the Rajya Sabha reads as follows:
“5) Where a member belonging to any political party votes or abstains from voting in the Council contrary to any direction issued by such political party or by any person or authority authorised by it in this behalf, without obtaining, in either case, the prior permission of such political party, person or authority, the leader of the legislature party concerned or where such member is the leader, or as the case may be, the sole member of such legislature party, such member, shall, as soon as may be thereafter and in any case within thirty days from the date of such voting or abstention, inform the Chairman as in Form-II whether such voting or abstention has or has not been condoned by such political party, person or authority.
“Explanation.—A member may be regarded as having abstained from voting only when he, being entitled to vote, voluntarily refrained from voting.”
So the Constitution clearly recognises the right of an MP to vote against the party diktat and the Rules made by the two Houses provide the procedure for the exercise of this right. Have MPs exercised their right to vote against the party whip in the recent past is a pertinent question that any voter may ask.

No MP has crossed the party diktat since May 2009

The Secretariats (Sectts.) of the Houses of Parliament have confirmed in their reply to my RTIs that they have not received any intimation from any major political party, about condoning the action of their MPs voting or abstaining from voting against the party diktat during the last 7 years. I did not ask similar information for earlier periods as the Sectts. might have treated my request as being vexatious holding that I had asked for records that are more than 10 years old and they would have had to search for them long and hard.
The RTI replies imply that MPs are willing to toe the party line always, rather than talk to the citizens whom they represent and then vote according to their considered advice even if it is against the party’s diktat. Neither have these MPs voted or abstained from voting according to their conscience and against the party diktat. In many conferences, MPs lament the “restriction” on their freedom imposed by the Tenth Schedule of the Constitution that prevents them from going against the party “whip” on pain of disqualification. If they were to vote or abstain from voting against the party whip, they say they would be treated as defectors and consequently lose their seats. Cutting across party lines, four MPs expressed their helplessness in this manner at a conference organised in Delhi by a prominent parliament-watch organisation, a couple of months ago.
However, the MPs have almost never bothered to explain to the people why they have never exercised their right to vote according to the wishes of the people whom they represent or according to their conscience, despite being empowered by the Constitution and the 1985 House Rules to so do.
So the latest news about the alleged swearing of oaths of allegiance in a prominent political party comes as no surprise because the behaviour of most of the MPs in Parliament when it comes to voting on a law or any other motion tabled in the House (when a whip is issued) at least during the last 7 years has always been guided by loyalty to the party diktat and little else. The latest exercise of allegedly swearing allegiance on paper in West Bengal is only a small drama occurring outside the legislature which only confirms the long-held belief that once elected, politicians show greater loyalty to the party they represent instead of the people who elected them.

The RTI interventions reveal poor compliance by political parties with anti-defection related disclosures

In my first round of RTI interventions I also asked for the documents that the political parties represented in either House of Parliament submitted to the respective presiding officers under the respective anti-defection Rules. The Rules of both Houses mentioned above, require all parliamentary parties to submit a list of their members in either House, the competent authorities with whom the presiding officers will communicate for the purpose of dealing with cases of defection and also copies of the parties’ constitutions and their internal rules and regulations.
The Central Public Information Officer (CPIO) of the Rajya Sabha Sectt. pointed out that no such information had been submitted by the parliamentary parties since May 2014 (when the current Lok Sabha was constituted). The CPIO of the Lok Sabha Sectt. first invoked Section 7(9) of The Right to Information Act, 2005 (RTI Act) and suggested that I inspect the documents because they were voluminous. Later on he supplied copies of the covering letters sent by parliamentary parties which I found during the inspection. The documents obtained from the Lok Sabha Sectt. indicate the following:
1) Only the BJP, Shiv Sena, YSR Congress, LJP, AIUDF, SAD, Apna Dal and JD(U) have indicated who the competent authority is in their parliamentary parties to communicate with the Speaker, Lok Sabha in relation to the anti-defection law. During the inspection, I could not locate the letters of the following political parties about who their authorities are to communicate with the Speaker for the purpose of the anti-defection Rules: Indian National Congress, TDP, TRS, CPI-M, JD(S), All India Trinamool Congress, AIADMK, Samajwadi Party, AAP, J&KPDP, RLSP, INLD, and JMM. I did not seek copies of the list of MPs and the party Constitutions as these are available online and it would have wasted the time and resources of the Lok Sabha Sectt.
2) Of the parliamentary parties that have more than 1 MP in the 16th Lok Sabha, I could not locate the replies of the following parliamentary parties sent to the Sectt. containing their list of MPs, authorities to communicate with Speaker for the the purpose of anti-defection Rules and a copy of the party Constitution: TDP, TRS, CPI-M, All India Trinamool Congress, AIADMK, DMK, SP, J&KPDP, RLSP, INLD and JMM. AAP has only sent a list of its MPs in the Lok Sabha but none of the other required details. The Sectt.’s officials told me that they send reminders regularly to the non-compliant political parties. However, as I had not asked for copies of such letters in my RTI application, they did not show them to me.
These RTI interventions put a question mark on the freedom of MPs to act in Parliament against their party’s diktat. They also reveal how several prominent political parties have not submitted information to the Lok Sabha Sectt. that they are legally required to provide under the anti-defection law despite repeated reminders. The reasons for this non-compliance are best known to the parliamentary parties themselves.

State Legislators are also empowered to vote against the party diktat

The anti-defection law contained in the Tenth Schedule applies to State Legislatures as well. I request readers to make use of RTI to find out whether MLAs have ever voted against the party diktat in the State Legislatures. As several State Legislatures do not even have official websites, it is not possible to find out without RTI interventions whether these Legislatures have even made Rules for implementing the anti-defection provisions of the Constitution. However citizens have the right to know how whether their elected representatives have ever made use of the exception to the anti-defection law to vote against the party’s whip. Readers may use the template of the RTI application contained in the attachments with suitable adaptation for their interventions.
As the Tenth Schedule of the Constitution defines a “Legislature Party”, all legislature parties become “authorities or bodies established under the Constitution”. So in my humble opinion, by logical extension they become “public authorities” under the RTI Act. So readers in India might like to seek information from them directly.

*Programme Coordinator, Access to Information Programme, Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, New Delhi

Comments

TRENDING

The golden crop: How turmeric is transforming women's lives in tribal India

By Vikas Meshram*   When the lush green fields of turmeric sway in the tribal belt of southern Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat, it is not merely a spice crop — it is the golden glow of self-reliance. In villages where even basic spices once had to be bought from the market, the very soil today is yielding a prosperity that has transformed the lives of thousands of families. At the heart of this transformation is the initiative of Vaagdhara, which has linked turmeric with livelihoods, nutrition, and village self-governance — gram swaraj.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Was Netaji forced to alter face, die in obscurity in USSR in 1975? Was he so meek?

  By Rajiv Shah   This should sound almost hilarious. Not only did Subhas Chandra Bose not die in a plane crash in Taipei, nor was he the mysterious Gumnami Baba who reportedly passed away on 16 September 1985 in Ayodhya, but we are now told that he actually died in 1975—date unknown—“in oblivion” somewhere in the former Soviet Union. Which city? Moscow? No one seems to know.

Love letters in a lifelong war: Babusha Kohli’s resistance in verse

By Ravi Ranjan*  “War does not determine who is right—only who is left.” Bertrand Russell’s words echo hauntingly in our times, and few contemporary Hindi poets embody this truth as profoundly as Babusha Kohli. Emerging from Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh, Kohli has carved a unique space in literature by weaving together tenderness, protest, and philosophy across poetry, prose, and cinema. Her work is not merely artistic expression—it is resistance, refuge, and a call for peace.

Authoritarian destruction of the public sphere in Ecuador: Trumpism in action?

By Pilar Troya Fernández  The situation in Ecuador under Daniel Noboa's government is one of authoritarianism advancing on several fronts simultaneously to consolidate neoliberalism and total submission to the US international agenda. These are not isolated measures, but rather a coordinated strategy that combines job insecurity, the dismantling of the welfare state, unrestricted access to mining, the continuation of oil exploitation without environmental considerations, the centralization of power through the financial suffocation of local governments, and the systematic criminalization of all forms of opposition and popular organization.

Echoes of Vietnam and Chile: The devastating cost of the I-A Axis in Iran

​ By Ram Puniyani  ​The recent joint military actions by Israel and the United States against Iran have been devastating. Like all wars, this conflict is brutal to its core, leaving a trail of human suffering in its wake. The stated pretext for this aggression—the brutality of the Ayatollah Khamenei regime and its nuclear ambitions—clashes sharply with the reality of the diplomatic landscape. Iran had expressed a willingness to remain at the negotiating table, signaling a readiness to concede points emerging from dialogue. 

Buddhist shrines were 'massively destroyed' by Brahmanical rulers: Historian DN Jha

Nalanda mahavihara By Rajiv Shah  Prominent historian DN Jha, an expert in India's ancient and medieval past, in his new book , "Against the Grain: Notes on Identity, Intolerance and History", in a sharp critique of "Hindutva ideologues", who look at the ancient period of Indian history as "a golden age marked by social harmony, devoid of any religious violence", has said, "Demolition and desecration of rival religious establishments, and the appropriation of their idols, was not uncommon in India before the advent of Islam".

False claim? What Venezuela is witnessing is not surrender but a tactical retreat

By Manolo De Los Santos  The early morning hours of January 3, 2026, marked an inflection point in Venezuela and Latin America’s centuries-long struggle for self-determination and independence. Operation Absolute Resolve, ordered by the Trump administration, constituted the most brutal and direct military assault on a sovereign state in the region in recent memory. In a shocking operation that left hundreds dead, President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores were illegally kidnapped from Venezuelan soil and transported to the United States, where they now face fabricated charges in a New York federal detention facility. In the two months since this act of war, a torrent of speculation has emerged from so-called experts and pundits across the political spectrum. This has followed three main lines: One . The operation’s success indicated treason at the highest levels of the Bolivarian Revolution. Two . Acting President Delcy Rodríguez and the remaining leadership have abandone...

The price of silence: Why Modi won’t follow Shastri, appeal for sacrifice

By Arundhati Dhuru, Sandeep Pandey*  ​In 1965, as India grappled with war and a crippling food crisis, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri faced a United States that used wheat shipments under the PL-480 agreement as a lever to dictate Indian foreign policy. Shastri’s response remains legendary: he appealed to the nation to skip one meal a day. Millions of middle-class households complied, choosing temporary hunger over the sacrifice of national dignity. Today, India faces a modern equivalent in the energy sector, yet the leadership’s response stands in stark contrast to that era of self-reliance.