The Manusmriti debate 'misses' the real battle against caste

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* 

Untouchability and caste discrimination remain deeply embedded in India’s social fabric—whether Rahul Gandhi speaks about them or not, and regardless of what the BJP–RSS establishment wants the world to believe about the “greatness” of Hindu or Indian culture. The Varna system continues to be the darkest stain on that cultural narrative, persisting even as Indians migrate abroad and become “green card holders.” Caste has travelled with them—to Europe, America, Canada, Africa, and across Asia.

I have repeatedly said that I disagree with Rahul Gandhi’s fixation on Manusmriti and his constant references to it. His intention is noble, but the strategy often defeats the very purpose of the campaign he wants to lead. Still, he deserves credit for raising issues his political ancestors avoided. His clarity on caste is refreshing in a political climate where most leaders prefer silence.

Rahul Gandhi may have been inspired by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s seminal work Annihilation of Caste. Academically, it is brilliant and should be taught in schools and universities. Ambedkar offered a powerful religious critique of a text that is discriminatory toward Dalits and women. For Brahmins and other Dwija communities, Manusmriti may not carry the same meaning—but it undeniably privileges Brahmins as Manu’s “special caste.” 

Yet in a plural society governed by a modern constitution, every religion carries its own irrationalities and historical injustices. If we truly wish to build a humane and rational society, we would have to put all religious texts under scrutiny. That is neither practical nor desirable. The more effective path is to reduce the influence of religion in public life and strengthen modern education, constitutional values, and humanist ethics.

People do not read religious texts to follow laws; they read them hoping for miracles. Social taboos rarely originate from scripture—they are cultural practices passed down through generations. Reform is slow, and communities evolve gradually. When we drag obscure texts back into public debate, we often revive old fault lines rather than resolve them.

The real task is to confront what is happening now and demand constitutional action. No one openly justifies untouchability; they only deny it because they fear the law. Brahmanism survived not because of Manusmriti alone but because of cultural capital. Today, Banias dominate through economic power, and Modi’s era is fundamentally a Bania age, with Brahmins legitimising their actions. Religion everywhere is an economy—Christianity, Islam, Hinduism. Priesthoods remain powerful. So why give opponents an easy opportunity to derail a serious anti‑caste project?

Untouchability persists across India, often without people knowing whether it originates from Manusmriti or long‑standing cultural taboos. The constitution—not scripture—is the tool we must rely on.

Ambedkar himself moved on. After the 1927 event where a Brahmin named Sahasrabuddhe burned Manusmriti, Ambedkar stopped focusing on the text. He realised that debating scripture was futile. Instead, he invested his energy in constitutionalism, political power, and structural change. He ultimately embraced Buddhism along with millions of followers because he saw no space for dignity within Varna Dharma. His message was clear: instead of fighting a book, leave the path that oppresses you.

Many communities today—Ravidasias, Satnamis, Adi‑Dharmis, Balmikis—are carving out their own identities. This is healthy, though not all identity movements lead to reform.

Caste discrimination is not merely a conflict between Dwijas and Dalits. It exists between Shudras and Dalits, and even within Dalit communities themselves. When we obsess over individuals or texts, we ignore ground realities. Ambedkar described India’s caste psychology as an “ascending order of reverence and descending order of contempt.” This remains the most accurate description of our social hierarchy. Every caste imagines a “golden past,” and Hindutva is exploiting this by manufacturing new icons for each group. This is dangerous and demands serious debate—not political sloganeering.

If caste discrimination persists, Congress must share the blame. It ruled India for decades. The constitution outlawed untouchability but allowed caste to remain. Brahmin dominance in bureaucracy, judiciary, media, and academia flourished under Congress rule. How can untouchability disappear when caste is allowed to thrive? BJP understands this well. It avoids caste identity politics because Brahmin–Bania dominance would collapse if caste identities were foregrounded. Instead, it pushes a homogenised Hindu identity and creates “others.”

The FIR filed against Rahul Gandhi in Haldwani for “hurting Dalit sentiments” is absurd. A Valmiki complainant claims Rahul’s remarks on shuddhikaran offended him. The real question is: how did the police even allow such an FIR? This will hurt BJP more than Rahul Gandhi, especially in UP and Punjab. In Uttarakhand, Congress leaders are cautious because over‑emphasis could backfire. Local leaders understand their ground realities better than social media warriors.

Congress is a large party and must reflect India’s diversity. Historically, it housed right‑wing leaders, left‑leaning leaders, and centrists. Today, it lacks ideological depth. NSUI leaders cannot articulate issues the way left‑leaning student leaders can. Rahul Gandhi must learn to manage contradictions. He needs leaders who can communicate effectively across caste and regional contexts. Not every issue can be addressed from Delhi. Caste dynamics differ in every state. Congress must stop imposing Delhi‑based observers who have no understanding of local realities.

Some liberal Brahmins on social media question whether the “two‑cup system” still exists. It does—though in new forms. Dalits are often asked to bring their own cups, wash them, or use separate utensils. Coins are thrown at them instead of being handed over. Plastic and paper cups have reduced visible discrimination, but only because Dalits resisted—not because Dwijas reformed. Untouchability adapts; it rarely disappears on its own.

BJP exploits contradictions among communities. Educated Dalits, OBCs, and Adivasis increasingly recognise that BJP’s politics works against their long‑term interests. The party provides political representation but undermines reservation through street‑level “movements.” Private sector dominance by Banias, Marwaris, and Brahmins remains untouched. Even other Dwija castes are excluded. Congress must de‑brahmanise itself if it wants to speak for marginalised communities. This is difficult and risky but necessary.

Caste discrimination and untouchability demand national unity. Blaming each other will not help. Rahul Gandhi has raised an important issue, and it must be addressed seriously. India cannot annihilate caste through symbolism or scripture wars. It requires constitutional action, political courage, and social reform rooted in ground realities—not in ancient texts.

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*Human rights defender