Skip to main content

Hijab centuries old tradition in India? It didn't exist in Jamia before Babri outrage

By Rajiv Shah 
This refers to a recent article titled “Muslim women of India have held hijab 'as part of their identity for centuries'." I usually refuse it comment on the articles and reports authored by others. Currently “holidaying” in the United States, I went to meet one of my bosom friends, Khursheed Latif, who lives in a beautiful area called Pocono, known for its forested peaks, lakes and valleys in the US state of Pennsylvania.
Khursheed is one of the few friends from my childhood days, which I spent in Jamia Millia Islamia in Delhi, with whom I continue be in touch even today, talking over phone, exchanging thoughts, and making fun on each other. Jamia is the spot where my parents -- both confirmed Gandhians -- would teach art education, while his father, an Urdu litterateur known to be close associate of the founders of Jamia Millia Islamia, including Dr Zakir Hussain, who later became India’s President, edited the official "Jamia" magazine.
During my stay at the beautiful residence of Khursheed, on a hillock surrounded by tall trees on one side and gold course on the other, as it would happen, we recalled our “good old days”. The arguments were bound to revert to a large number of topics – including the hot ones which connected us with our past. And, as we were talking over, the hijab controversy raging across the country became a point on which he told me something I knew as an “outsider”, but surely not as an insider about what Jamia Muslims thought about it in 1960s and 1970s.
What I knew for sure was, except for a very few exceptions, most of the Muslim women and girls – including the two sisters of another bosom friend (whom we lovingly called Munna) would tie me rakhi every year – wouldn’t ever put-up hijab or burqa. Munna’s mother, whom we called Apa, a close friend of my mother, who was a hostel warden, too, never observed burqa, though namaz was her regular feature. She would treat me as her child, call me for dinner when my parents would go to Ahmedabad, serving me with vegetarian food.
I recalled, one of our friends, whom we would tease as Chand (I don’t know the reason why), was perhaps a few years older than us. What we knew for sure was, he had just got married. Was it before the allowed date of marriage? Was it a child marriage?, we would wonder among ourselves, but he wouldn't mind. We would make a team of three-four boys with him and take a walk up to the Okhla dam, our daily evening outing after returning from school, and later college. 
After a few us would gather to go to the dam site, we would knock at Chand’s house to come out and go with us. We had never seen his wife. All of us together would make fun of Chand for keeping her hiding from us, in burqa. A little uncouth, though a simpleton, he alone would justify his wife being kept in burqa. Ironically, I was part of the team which made fun of him, yet the Muslim friends never said why was I doing it despite being a Hindu!
I told these incidents to Khursheed, and he started talking about his experiences in Jamia. He told me, as an insider, how he also knew very few Muslim women wearing burqa, pointing out, there was no hijab then as we know it. What he said was revealing to me: During informal gatherings of Muslim families, they would make fun of those who kept their wives in burqa (there was no hijab, as we know it today, in Jamia). These, he said, were isolated cased, and could be counted on fingers. In fact, he said, even devout Muslim families would detest burqa as something obsolete, not part of their tradition and culture.
Even as we were talking, Khursheed told me an interesting detail about Jamia's co-education school where he studied: "Though it was called Jamia Millia Islamia, girls, most of them Muslims, would act in plays, and took part in NCC, in which forget burqa, they would not even have dupatta, as NCC dress code did not allow it. Not only my sister and mother did not wear any burqa, my mother detested the practice."
"One of the persons who used to participate in NCC when in Jamia school was my sister", Khursheed said, regretting, "But see now: The same person wears burqa today. She started this practice after the birth of her first child. My mother used to often tell me to ask my sister to give up this practice." According to him, "This assertion of Muslim identity became strong after the complications of Babri Masjid."
Khursheed Latif
He continued, "Some the Muslims whose wives wore burqa never stopped their daughter from coming on the stage and performing, be it plays, singing nazam, ghazal, the National Anthem, the Jamia anthem or bait baazi (elocution contest), In 1969 our small group consisting of girls and boys went to Mumbai to participate in the Ghalib centenary celebrations with male teachers."
He further told me, "Some girls who used to come from old Delhi in burqa. However, they would remove it before attending the classes. They were doing it on their own, as they apparently found most girls were coming to the school without burqa and they shouldn't be any different. After getting down from the bus would quietly first go to the school peon Jumman’s house to remove burqa. Many of us were not even aware that they wore burqa before reaching Jumman’s house."
Ironically, most of the Muslim families I knew were devout Muslim. Namaz, Ramzan (now turned into Ramadan!) fast, and other Islamic rites (including the “manzoor hai” consent of the bride and bridegroom and meher during marriage) were part of their life. Vising their families – my every day affair – I clearly saw all this. A few of them who called themselves “progressive” would also observe some of these rites as part of their culture, if not by conviction. However, none of the women or girls, not even during marriage functions, or vising us on Holi and Diwali, would ever put-up hijab, not to talk of burqa.
I was a little astonished when I saw videos of the agitations against the new citizenship law before the pandemic began, in which many Muslim girls from the Jamia area, participating in large numbers, had put up hijab. Some educated Muslim girls, who gave strong speeches, were in hijab. What a change, I wondered. I don’t know if any expert has cared to look into this change and sociological reasons behind it. However, I do remember doing a story for the Times of India, Ahmedabad, in 1990s – I don’t know which year it was, as I don’t seem to have kept its clipping.
The story was based on a report prepared by a well-known women’s rights organization in Ahmedabad, Ahmedabad Women’s Action Group (AWAG), which was very active till its leader Ilaben Pathak, was alive. I didn’t know Ilaben much, but would sometimes interact with one of its important members, Sophia Khan, now a well-known NGO name in Ahmedabad. She gave me the report – I don’t know whether I have still preserved it in my large number of files.
The report, which was based on a primary survey of Muslim women, found that, following the riots which took place in 1992-93 in Ahmedabad during the Sangh Parivar’s Ram Janmabhoomi agitation, there was a sharp increase in the number of Muslim women coming out of their homes wearing burqa – it didn’t talk of hijab. Even the number of Muslim men with the scalp cap has also gone up drastically after the riots, I have been told by independent observes. The report said, rise in the incidence of burqa was part of the Muslim assertion of identity.
I personally appear to agree with the view that the state is nobody to decide whether to wear hijab or not, and barring Muslim women from educational institutions only because of hijab would debar them of education, pushing them further into the conservative hands of the Muslim clergy. However, I am left wondering, did Muslim women consider hijab a part of Muslim women’s identity for “centuries”, as the People's Front of India (PFI) leader, who wrote the article quoted in the beginning, seeks to argue? There was no hijab, little burqa, in Jamia in 1960s and 1970s, the time I spent my childhood.

Comments

TRENDING

Gram sabha as reformer: Mandla’s quiet challenge to the liquor economy

By Raj Kumar Sinha*  This year, the Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj is organising a two-day PESA Mahotsav in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, on 23–24 December 2025. The event marks the passage of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), enacted by Parliament on 24 December 1996 to establish self-governance in Fifth Schedule areas. Scheduled Areas are those notified by the President of India under Article 244(1) read with the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, which provides for a distinct framework of governance recognising the autonomy of tribal regions. At present, Fifth Schedule areas exist in ten states: Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Telangana. The PESA Act, 1996 empowers Gram Sabhas—the village assemblies—as the foundation of self-rule in these areas. Among the many powers devolved to them is the authority to take decisions on local matters, including the regulation...

MG-NREGA: A global model still waiting to be fully implemented

By Bharat Dogra  When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MG-NREGA) was introduced in India nearly two decades ago, it drew worldwide attention. The reason was evident. At a time when states across much of the world were retreating from responsibility for livelihoods and welfare, the world’s second most populous country—with nearly two-thirds of its people living in rural or semi-rural areas—committed itself to guaranteeing 100 days of employment a year to its rural population.

Concerns raised over move to rename MGNREGA, critics call it politically motivated

By A Representative   Concerns have been raised over the Union government’s reported move to rename the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), with critics describing it as a politically motivated step rather than an administrative reform. They argue that the proposed change undermines the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi and seeks to appropriate credit for a programme whose relevance has been repeatedly demonstrated, particularly during times of crisis.

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

Rollback of right to work? VB–GRAM G Bill 'dilutes' statutory employment guarantee

By A Representative   The Right to Food Campaign has strongly condemned the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB–GRAM G) Bill, 2025, describing it as a major rollback of workers’ rights and a fundamental dilution of the statutory Right to Work guaranteed under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). In a statement, the Campaign termed the repeal of MGNREGA a “dark day for workers’ rights” and accused the government of converting a legally enforceable, demand-based employment guarantee into a centralised, discretionary welfare scheme.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Making rigid distinctions between Indian and foreign 'historically untenable'

By A Representative   Oral historian, filmmaker and cultural conservationist Sohail Hashmi has said that everyday practices related to attire, food and architecture in India reflect long histories of interaction and adaptation rather than rigid or exclusionary ideas of identity. He was speaking at a webinar organised by the Indian History Forum (IHF).

India’s Halal economy 'faces an uncertain future' under the new food Bill

By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  The proposed Food Safety and Standards (Amendment) Bill, 2025 marks a decisive shift in India’s food regulation landscape by seeking to place Halal certification exclusively under government control while criminalising all private Halal certification bodies. Although the Bill claims to promote “transparency” and “standardisation,” its structure and implications raise serious concerns about religious freedom, economic marginalisation, and the systematic dismantling of a long-established, Muslim-led Halal ecosystem in India.

From jobless to ‘job-loss’ growth: Experts critique gig economy and fintech risks

By A Representative   Leading economists and social activists gathered in the capital on Friday to launch the third edition of the State of Finance in India Report 2024-25 , issuing a stark warning that the rapid digitalization of the Indian economy is eroding welfare systems and entrenching "digital dystopia."