Why Sheikh Hasina has never apologised to Bangladesh’s Hindus

By Nava Thakuria*

Amid rising anti-India rhetoric, Bangladesh has recently witnessed fresh turmoil following the death of a young radical leader, Sharif Osman Bin Hadi. As the situation gradually returns to a semblance of normalcy, the South Asian nation is preparing for its next general election, scheduled for 12 February 2026. These highly anticipated polls, coming in the aftermath of the student-led mass uprising of July–August 2024 that culminated in the overthrow of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, will notably exclude her party, the Awami League, which had ruled the Muslim-majority country of nearly 170 million people for years.

The ousted premier, along with thousands of her party colleagues, continues to stay in neighbouring India, even after a Bangladeshi court sentenced her to death for crimes against humanity linked to last year’s rebellion, which reportedly claimed more than 1,400 lives, including minors. Ignoring repeated official communiqués from the current interim regime led by Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus in Dhaka, New Delhi has remained non-committal on her repatriation. This stance has strained diplomatic relations between Dhaka and New Delhi, with bilateral ties deteriorating steadily in recent months.

Many anti-Hasina campaigners have alleged that Hadi’s killers crossed into Indian territory soon after the shooting attack in Dhaka on 12 December. The Inqilab Mancha leader was later flown to Singapore for advanced treatment but succumbed to his injuries on the evening of 18 December. The prime accused, Faisal Karim Masud, allegedly associated with the Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League, remains untraceable. A section of Bangladeshi public opinion—without substantiated evidence—believes that he has been receiving support and hospitality from New Delhi. This perception fuelled public fury against India, with motivated elements intensifying attacks on Hindu families in different parts of Bangladesh.

Meanwhile, the horrific mob killings of Deepu Chandra Das, 27, a garment worker from Bhaluka in Mymensingh, on 18 December, and Uttam Kumar Barman, 45, a grocery shop owner from Rangpur, on 13 December—both accused of making unverified derogatory remarks against Islam—sparked widespread protests in India. Demonstrators gathered outside Bangladeshi diplomatic missions, demanding justice for the victims and greater security for non-Muslims in Bangladesh. The interim government in Dhaka described the killing of the Mymensingh worker as a heinous criminal act with no justification. Education adviser Prof C R Abrar visited Deepu’s family to convey the government’s sympathy and assured them of support, reiterating the authorities’ commitment to the rule of law. More than ten people have reportedly been arrested in connection with the crime.

A recent report by the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG) observed that Hasina’s presence in India has been a major factor behind the simmering tensions between the two neighbours. Soon after taking office, the interim government sought her extradition under a 2013 treaty, but Indian officials were never likely to agree, the report noted. New Delhi, it suggested, did not wish to appear “an unreliable ally to other governments in the region” and therefore continued to support Hasina. Dr Yunus personally urged Prime Minister Narendra Modi to restrain the disgraced leader from making political statements while in India, warning that her interventions in Bangladeshi politics were being perceived as unfriendly acts. These remarks were reportedly not well received in New Delhi. Dhaka has also expressed resentment over the alleged political activities of thousands of Awami League activists operating from Kolkata and New Delhi, according to the conflict-prevention organisation.

More recently, Hasina issued a sharp critique of the ongoing turmoil in Bangladesh, accusing the Yunus-led interim government of failure. She described the recent killings as evidence of rampant lawlessness, claiming that the authorities either deny the problem or lack the capacity to address it. Alleging that “extremists” have been placed in key positions, convicted terrorists released from prison, and international militants allowed a role in public life, she also blamed the interim regime for the deterioration of relations with India.

Hasina has rejected calls to return to Bangladesh, claiming she fears “political assassination” until a legitimate government that upholds an independent judiciary is installed in Dhaka. She has repeatedly thanked New Delhi for its hospitality since her departure last year. India, for its part, has justified her stay as being guided by its civilisational ethos and humanitarian tradition of offering refuge to individuals facing grave distress or existential threats. At the same time, New Delhi has expressed concern over the deteriorating security situation in Bangladesh, particularly its impact on religious minorities, and has demanded justice for victims such as Deepu.

Yet a fundamental question remains: why should Hasina not tender an apology to the Sanatani Hindu community, given that she too failed to protect Hindus and other minorities during her long tenure as prime minister? Initially, she was reported to be seeking relocation to a third country, but so far no nation has offered her asylum. Nor has she publicly acknowledged India’s role in rescuing her from a potentially fatal situation at Ganabhaban on 5 August 2024. Compelled to remain in a Hindu-majority country for over a year, with no other nation extending support during her time of distress, should it not be her first priority to seek forgiveness from the Hindus of India?

---

*Senior journalist based in Guwahati

Comments

Gram sabha as reformer: Mandla’s quiet challenge to the liquor economy

By Raj Kumar Sinha* This year, the Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj is organising a two-day PESA Mahotsav in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, on 23–24 December 2025. The event marks the passage of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), enacted by Parliament on 24 December 1996 to establish self-governance in Fifth Schedule areas. Scheduled Areas are those notified by the President of India under Article 244(1) read with the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, which provides for a distinct framework of governance recognising the autonomy of tribal regions. At present, Fifth Schedule areas exist in ten states: Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Telangana. The PESA Act, 1996 empowers Gram Sabhas—the village assemblies—as the foundation of self-rule in these areas. Among the many powers devolved to them is the authority to take decisions on local matters, including the regulation...

MG-NREGA: A global model still waiting to be fully implemented

By Bharat Dogra When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MG-NREGA) was introduced in India nearly two decades ago, it drew worldwide attention. The reason was evident. At a time when states across much of the world were retreating from responsibility for livelihoods and welfare, the world’s second most populous country—with nearly two-thirds of its people living in rural or semi-rural areas—committed itself to guaranteeing 100 days of employment a year to its rural population.

From Kerala to Bangladesh: Lynching highlights deep social faultlines

By A Representative The recent incidents of mob lynching—one in Bangladesh involving a Hindu citizen and another in Kerala where a man was killed after being mistaken for a “Bangladeshi”—have sparked outrage and calls for accountability.

When a city rebuilt forgets its builders: Migrant workers’ struggle for sanitation in Bhuj

Khasra Ground site By Aseem Mishra* Access to safe drinking water and sanitation is not a privilege—it is a fundamental human right. This principle has been unequivocally recognised by the United Nations and repeatedly affirmed by the Supreme Court of India as intrinsic to the right to life and dignity under Article 21 of the Constitution. Yet, for thousands of migrant workers living in Bhuj, this right remains elusive, exposing a troubling disconnect between constitutional guarantees, policy declarations, and lived reality.

Policy changes in rural employment scheme and the politics of nomenclature

By N.S. Venkataraman* The Government of India has introduced a revised rural employment programme by fine-tuning the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), which has been in operation for nearly two decades. The MGNREGA scheme guarantees 100 days of employment annually to rural households and has primarily benefited populations in rural areas. The revised programme has been named VB-G RAM–G (Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission – Gramin). The government has stated that the revised scheme incorporates several structural changes, including an increase in guaranteed employment from 100 to 125 days, modifications in the financing pattern, provisions to strengthen unemployment allowances, and penalties for delays in wage payments. Given the extent of these changes, the government has argued that a new name is required to distinguish the revised programme from the existing MGNREGA framework. As has been witnessed in recent years, the introdu...

Rollback of right to work? VB–GRAM G Bill 'dilutes' statutory employment guarantee

By A Representative The Right to Food Campaign has strongly condemned the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB–GRAM G) Bill, 2025, describing it as a major rollback of workers’ rights and a fundamental dilution of the statutory Right to Work guaranteed under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). In a statement, the Campaign termed the repeal of MGNREGA a “dark day for workers’ rights” and accused the government of converting a legally enforceable, demand-based employment guarantee into a centralised, discretionary welfare scheme.

'Structural sabotage': Concern over sector-limited job guarantee in new employment law

By A Representative The advocacy group Centre for Financial Accountability (CFA) has raised concerns over the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (VB–G RAM G), which was approved during the recently concluded session of Parliament amid protests by opposition members. The legislation is intended to replace the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

Making rigid distinctions between Indian and foreign 'historically untenable'

By A Representative Oral historian, filmmaker and cultural conservationist Sohail Hashmi has said that everyday practices related to attire, food and architecture in India reflect long histories of interaction and adaptation rather than rigid or exclusionary ideas of identity. He was speaking at a webinar organised by the Indian History Forum (IHF).

'Festive cheer fades': India’s housing market hits 17‑quarter slump, sales drop 16% in Q4 2025

By A Representative Housing sales across India’s nine major real estate markets fell to a 17‑quarter low in the October–December period of 2025, with overall absorption dropping 16% year‑on‑year to 98,019 units, according to NSE‑listed analytics firm PropEquity. This marks the weakest quarter since Q3 2021, despite the festive season that usually drives demand. On a sequential basis, sales slipped 2%, while new launches contracted by 4%.

Search This Blog