Skip to main content

NYT: RSS 'infiltrates' institutions, 'drives' religious divide under Modi's leadership

Counterview News    
A comprehensive New York Times investigation published on December 26, 2025, chronicles the rise of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) — characterized as a far-right Hindu nationalist organization — from a shadowy group founded in 1925 to the world's largest right-wing force, marking its centenary in 2025 with unprecedented influence and mainstream acceptance.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who joined the RSS as a young boy and later became a full-time campaigner before being deputized to its political wing in the 1980s, delivered his strongest public tribute to the group in his August 2025 Independence Day address. Speaking from the Red Fort, he called the RSS a "giant river" with dozens of streams touching every aspect of Indian life, praising its "service, dedication, organization, and unmatched discipline."
The report describes how the RSS has deeply infiltrated India's institutions — government, courts, police, media, and academia — through a vast network of affiliates, including student wings, trade unions, farmers' unions, professional networks, religious outfits, and charities. Researchers at Sciences Po in Paris identified 2,500 organizations with traceable ties to the RSS, forming a tightly networked entity. This structure allows the group to shape political careers, place loyalists in key positions, and exert influence with little transparency or accountability, as it maintains no detailed records and spreads assets across small trusts.
Founded by Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar amid fears of declining Hindu pride following historical Muslim invasions and British colonial rule, the RSS's early leaders, including second chief M.S. Golwalkar, openly drew inspiration from 1930s-1940s European fascist parties. In his 1939 book, Golwalkar cited Hitler's treatment of Jews to argue that non-Hindus in India should wholly subordinate to the "Hindu Nation," deserving no privileges or citizen rights.
The organization faced multiple bans, notably after a former member assassinated Mahatma Gandhi in 1948, leading to decades as a pariah. It gained momentum through events like the 1975 Emergency under Indira Gandhi, when mass arrests of RSS leaders generated sympathy, and the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition in Ayodhya by mobs including RSS affiliates, which galvanized Hindu unity but triggered nationwide riots.
Under Modi's leadership since 2014, the RSS agenda advanced significantly: the Supreme Court cleared the way for a grand Ram Temple in Ayodhya (inaugurated in 2024 on the mosque demolition site), and Jammu & Kashmir's semi-autonomous status was revoked in 2019. The number of daily RSS gatherings (shakhas) — featuring physical drills, devotional songs, ideological discussions, and a salute to the saffron flag — has doubled over the past decade, now totaling 83,000 across India.
The article highlights growing religious divisions, linking RSS affiliates to vigilante violence: parading through Muslim neighborhoods, ransacking churches, enforcing boycotts of Muslim businesses, lynching over beef allegations, and attacking interfaith couples. In Uttar Pradesh under Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath — often seen as a potential Modi successor — authorities used bulldozers to demolish homes of Muslim protest leaders while allowing Hindu counter-demonstrations.
Current RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has adopted more nuanced public rhetoric, criticizing vigilante excesses, advocating reduced caste rigidity, and claiming "Hindu rashtra" means cultural consolidation where all Indians are inherently Hindu. However, he has urged higher Hindu birth rates compared to "other communities," discouraged "hooliganism" while calling for societal "vigilance" and intervention when necessary — language the report describes as doublespeak that leaves room for extremist actions.
The NYT concludes that the RSS's entrenched roots ensure enduring power beyond Modi, having remade India into a more polarized society where its vision of Hindu supremacy increasingly dominates public life.
---

Comments

TRENDING

The “Dr” debate masks a larger crisis in allied-health education

By Dr P K Gupta*  India’s allied-health professions have long operated in a fragmented landscape of universities, hospitals, State authorities and private institutions, each with its own nomenclature, curriculum and standards. The National Commission for Allied and Healthcare Professions Act, 2021 was meant to correct this by creating a unified national framework for education, professional regulation and institutional recognition. Few dispute the need for such oversight. The real question is whether standardisation is quietly becoming synonymous with longer courses, additional internships and new professional titles—changes that risk masking deeper gaps in clinical training, institutional capacity and affordability.

Vande Mataram and the politics of distraction: When patriotism replaces performance

By Mohd. Ziyaullah Khan   There is an old saying: “Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel.” Samuel Johnson was not criticising love for one’s country; he was warning against those who weaponise patriotic symbolism to escape accountability. In India today, that warning feels uncomfortably relevant.

Pilgrimage or pollution? The waste crisis of Indian faith

By Raj Kumar Sinha*  In today's times, there are certain issues that are constantly talked about and discussed, yet no visible impact seems to be made. Beyond water, soil, and pollution, one crisis that continues to be overlooked is waste. Like other life-threatening problems, waste too is gradually moving toward burying and obliterating us. After the Kanwar Yatra in Haridwar, approximately 8,000 tonnes of waste were left behind on the riverbanks, including bottles filled with urine.