Whither electoral purity? SIR and the fragility of voting rights in red-light areas

By Harasankar Adhikari 

Sex work, often described as one of the oldest and most stigmatized occupations, exists in multiple forms shaped by social stratification, economic inequality, gender relations, and prevailing moral codes. While commonly associated with heterosexual transactions involving women, the sex trade is a complex and layered social institution. Among its various forms, brothel-based sex work in red-light areas remains one of the most visible and socially regulated.

Women enter brothel-based sex work across religious and caste backgrounds. Upon entry, many experience a loss of earlier social identities and are primarily identified through stigmatized labels associated with the trade. Their living arrangements are usually self-organized households within red-light areas, often linked through informal economic networks with property owners or intermediaries who receive a share of their earnings. Research indicates that many women enter the trade at a young age, whether married or unmarried, and subsequently acquire a distinct social identity and set of relationships shaped by the conditions of sex work.

Within this context, intimate partnerships often take the form of relationships with a babu (paramour), which are largely based on convenience and emotional companionship rather than formal social or legal recognition. Over time, such relationships may assume the appearance of marriage, though they lack ritual, legal status, or social sanction. Symbols commonly associated with marriage are sometimes adopted to assert social legitimacy, yet these relationships do not establish stable kinship ties or obligations typically associated with marriage. They are also frequently unstable, with changes in partners occurring over the course of a woman’s working life.

The household structure of brothel-based sex workers is often referred to as line bari, a term closely linked to the spatial and occupational organization of red-light areas. This household form differs from conventional family structures in its composition, role relations, patterns of child socialization, and economic security. In most cases, it functions as a single-parent household with limited or no connection to extended kin networks. The stigma attached to sex work often results in estrangement from natal families, reinforcing social isolation. Paternal roles, where present, tend to be informal and involve minimal long-term responsibility or investment.

As a result of these conditions, many commercial female sex workers remain marginalized from mainstream social and civic life. Prolonged advocacy by sex worker collectives has led to partial recognition through access to certain government benefits and identity documents such as Aadhaar, PAN, and voter identity cards. However, the occupational mobility inherent in brothel-based sex work—frequent movement between red-light areas—means that many do not have permanent residence in a single location.

In the context of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, these realities pose specific challenges. Electoral registration is closely tied to notions of residence and family identity, which may compel disclosure of personal histories that sex workers have sought to keep private due to stigma and safety concerns. Voter identity thus becomes a particularly sensitive issue for this population.

These complexities underline the need for policy approaches that balance electoral integrity with the protection of marginalized citizens. Recognizing sex work as work, and sex workers as workers with enforceable rights, remains central to ensuring their full and equal citizenship, including the right to vote without fear of exclusion or exposure.