Skip to main content

Aravalli at the crossroads: Environment, democracy, and the crisis of justice

By  Rajendra Singh* 
The functioning of the Ministry of Environment, Forests and Climate Change has undergone a troubling shift. Once mandated to safeguard forests and ecosystems, the Ministry now appears increasingly aligned with industrial interests. Its recent affidavit before the Supreme Court makes this drift unmistakably clear. An institution ostensibly created to protect the environment now seems to have strayed from that very purpose.
After the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, the term “sustainable” entered global discourse. Over time, it has often been used to legitimise exploitation, pollution, and encroachment. I have personally witnessed the emergence and misuse of this concept. Without revisiting the many struggles waged against it, one fact stands out clearly: in the context of mining, the idea of “sustainability” has been deeply misleading. Mining involves cutting into the earth, extracting what lies beneath, and removing it permanently. What is taken can never be replaced. How, then, can mining ever be described as sustainable?
Until November 2025, the Supreme Court of India delivered several judgments recognising the Aravalli range as part of India’s ancient natural heritage. These decisions helped protect its forests, wildlife, and tribal communities, thereby preserving the mountain range as an integrated whole. Governments, too, largely cooperated with the judiciary in this effort.
About twelve years ago, it still appeared that the judiciary functioned independently of the legislature and executive. Today, however, there is a growing perception that judicial decision-making is increasingly influenced by governmental or corporate pressures. As a result, a judiciary that once placed democracy, nature, and culture at the centre of its reasoning now risks being seen as complicit in processes that could erase an ancient heritage like the Aravalli.
Together, the legislature and executive seem to have enabled a course that damages India’s global reputation, primarily for the benefit of industrial interests. Whether this has occurred deliberately or inadvertently is unclear. What is clear is that the consequences will be borne by the public, the government, and the natural heritage of the Aravalli itself.
This concern is not limited to one region. Across Telangana, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and the northeastern states, people have begun mobilising to protect their mountains. These movements could grow to resemble the farmers’ movement in scale and intensity. It is deeply unfortunate that such developments may also affect public confidence in the Supreme Court—an institution that has historically commanded immense respect.
The situation has reached a point where even spiritual leaders have begun openly criticising judicial decisions. Swami Shri Shivanand Saraswati has gone so far as to name a former Chief Justice, accusing him of failing to understand India’s culture, nature, and heritage. Such voices, once rare, are now emerging from many quarters.
India is a democracy, and in a democracy the people are supreme. The Constitution guarantees equality to all. Yet, in the case of the Aravalli, judicial reasoning has divided the mountain range into “high” and “low” parts—protecting one while permitting the destruction of the other. This has generated deep public resentment. The same judiciary that has historically stood for social justice now risks creating a sense of inequality by sanctioning the destruction of the lower portions of India’s oldest mountain range.
For many, the Aravalli is like a mother. An order that preserves only the “head” while cutting away the limbs, stomach, and chest inevitably evokes anguish and a sense of injustice. Dividing the Aravalli is seen as dividing Indian society itself. The collective appeal of the people is simple: do not divide us; do not dismember our shared natural heritage.
Just as the judiciary once acted decisively to protect the Aravalli, we again place our faith in it. We hope for a decision that recognises the Aravalli as a single, living entity—worthy of protection in its entirety, like a human body. Foreign scientific definitions that view mountains merely as heaps of exploitable material cannot capture India’s civilisational relationship with nature. For us, mountains are sacred and divine.

Mountains are not objects of extraction; they are revered as living embodiments of the five elements—earth, sky, air, fire, and water. The Aravalli nourishes life and sustains ecosystems. It must remain the foundation of our collective future, not a casualty of short-term gain.

The judiciary is independent, and its independence is its greatest strength. We hope it will uphold this independence by placing India’s nature and human culture at the centre of its deliberations, by hearing the pain of the Aravalli, and by restoring public trust. With humility and faith, the people of the Aravalli once again seek justice—for themselves, for the mountain range, and for the dignity of India’s democratic institutions.
---
*Known as Waterman of India

Comments

TRENDING

From Kerala to Bangladesh: Lynching highlights deep social faultlines

By A Representative   The recent incidents of mob lynching—one in Bangladesh involving a Hindu citizen and another in Kerala where a man was killed after being mistaken for a “Bangladeshi”—have sparked outrage and calls for accountability.  

Gram sabha as reformer: Mandla’s quiet challenge to the liquor economy

By Raj Kumar Sinha*  This year, the Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj is organising a two-day PESA Mahotsav in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, on 23–24 December 2025. The event marks the passage of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), enacted by Parliament on 24 December 1996 to establish self-governance in Fifth Schedule areas. Scheduled Areas are those notified by the President of India under Article 244(1) read with the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, which provides for a distinct framework of governance recognising the autonomy of tribal regions. At present, Fifth Schedule areas exist in ten states: Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Telangana. The PESA Act, 1996 empowers Gram Sabhas—the village assemblies—as the foundation of self-rule in these areas. Among the many powers devolved to them is the authority to take decisions on local matters, including the regulation...

MG-NREGA: A global model still waiting to be fully implemented

By Bharat Dogra  When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MG-NREGA) was introduced in India nearly two decades ago, it drew worldwide attention. The reason was evident. At a time when states across much of the world were retreating from responsibility for livelihoods and welfare, the world’s second most populous country—with nearly two-thirds of its people living in rural or semi-rural areas—committed itself to guaranteeing 100 days of employment a year to its rural population.

When a city rebuilt forgets its builders: Migrant workers’ struggle for sanitation in Bhuj

Khasra Ground site By Aseem Mishra*  Access to safe drinking water and sanitation is not a privilege—it is a fundamental human right. This principle has been unequivocally recognised by the United Nations and repeatedly affirmed by the Supreme Court of India as intrinsic to the right to life and dignity under Article 21 of the Constitution. Yet, for thousands of migrant workers living in Bhuj, this right remains elusive, exposing a troubling disconnect between constitutional guarantees, policy declarations, and lived reality.

Policy changes in rural employment scheme and the politics of nomenclature

By N.S. Venkataraman*  The Government of India has introduced a revised rural employment programme by fine-tuning the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), which has been in operation for nearly two decades. The MGNREGA scheme guarantees 100 days of employment annually to rural households and has primarily benefited populations in rural areas. The revised programme has been named VB-G RAM–G (Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission – Gramin). The government has stated that the revised scheme incorporates several structural changes, including an increase in guaranteed employment from 100 to 125 days, modifications in the financing pattern, provisions to strengthen unemployment allowances, and penalties for delays in wage payments. Given the extent of these changes, the government has argued that a new name is required to distinguish the revised programme from the existing MGNREGA framework. As has been witnessed in recent years, the introdu...

Rollback of right to work? VB–GRAM G Bill 'dilutes' statutory employment guarantee

By A Representative   The Right to Food Campaign has strongly condemned the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB–GRAM G) Bill, 2025, describing it as a major rollback of workers’ rights and a fundamental dilution of the statutory Right to Work guaranteed under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). In a statement, the Campaign termed the repeal of MGNREGA a “dark day for workers’ rights” and accused the government of converting a legally enforceable, demand-based employment guarantee into a centralised, discretionary welfare scheme.

'Structural sabotage': Concern over sector-limited job guarantee in new employment law

By A Representative   The advocacy group Centre for Financial Accountability (CFA) has raised concerns over the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (VB–G RAM G), which was approved during the recently concluded session of Parliament amid protests by opposition members. The legislation is intended to replace the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

Making rigid distinctions between Indian and foreign 'historically untenable'

By A Representative   Oral historian, filmmaker and cultural conservationist Sohail Hashmi has said that everyday practices related to attire, food and architecture in India reflect long histories of interaction and adaptation rather than rigid or exclusionary ideas of identity. He was speaking at a webinar organised by the Indian History Forum (IHF).

'Festive cheer fades': India’s housing market hits 17‑quarter slump, sales drop 16% in Q4 2025

By A Representative   Housing sales across India’s nine major real estate markets fell to a 17‑quarter low in the October–December period of 2025, with overall absorption dropping 16% year‑on‑year to 98,019 units, according to NSE‑listed analytics firm PropEquity. This marks the weakest quarter since Q3 2021, despite the festive season that usually drives demand. On a sequential basis, sales slipped 2%, while new launches contracted by 4%.