Terror cases: Gujarat Muslims "more likely" to trust police, says Industry-supported study

By Rajiv Shah
Gujarat may have suffered one of the most heinous communal riots in 2002, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi was at the helm of affairs in the state. However, if a new survey, sponsored, by two philanthropic organizations, Tata Trusts and Lal Family Foundation, is any guide, 16 years down the line, Muslims in Gujarat are likely to trust the police more than most other Indian states.
Titled “Status of Policing in India Report 2018: A Study of Performance and Perceptions”, and carried out by the high profile Common Cause and the Lokniti-Programme for Comparative Democracy at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), the survey report, surprisingly, suggests that just 15% of Muslims respondents said police discriminates them on the basis of religion, while 59% didn’t think that way.
Even more surprising is that the all-India average of Muslims most likely to see police as discriminating on grounds of religion is 26%, much higher than Gujarat. Most other states’ average on this this score is much higher than that of Gujarat: Andhra Pradesh 26%, Assam 14%, Bihar 56%, Karnataka 32%, Kerala 4%, Madhya Pradesh 35%, Maharashtra 50%, Rajasthan 55%, Tamil Nadu 50%, Uttar Pradesh 39%, West Bengal 13% Delhi 41%, Jharkhand 25%, Uttarakhand 7%, and Telangana 26%.
The survey report, incidentally released around the time when BJP chief Amit Shah met top tycoon Ratan Tata, chairman, Tata Trusts, as part of his “outreach” programme, is based on a sample size 15,563 persons, of whom 895 respondents were from Gujarat. Details of the survey provided in the report, however, do not give any breakup of religion- or caste-wise break-up the respondents.

The report, interestingly, states only 17% of Muslims agreed that “there is false implication of Muslims in terrorism related cases by the police”, which is the lowest among all Indian states. If the study is to be believed, a whopping 47% India’s Muslims – nearly three times that of Gujarat – believe that they are being false implication of Muslims in terrorism-related cases.

Other states’ average on this score is: Andhra Pradesh 49%, Assam 31%, Bihar 49%, Karnataka 60%, Kerala 32%, Madhya Pradesh 36%, Maharashtra 62% Rajasthan 41%, Tamil Nadu 63%, Uttar Pradesh 59%, West Bengal 32%, Delhi 65%, Jharkhand 59%, Uttarakhand 46%, and Telangana 68%.
Providing some caste and religion-wise details, the report states, scheduled tribes (ST) “distrust the police more than any other caste groups.” Thus, 32% Muslims, 27% upper caste persons, 30% other backward classes (OBCs) 29% scheduled castes (SC)¸ and 37% STs across India distrust the police.
Giving a glimpse all-India perception of who all contact the police, the report says, “Hindu Upper Castes were least likely to have been contacted by the police (13%). Scheduled Tribes and Muslims on the other hand were most likely to have been contacted by it (23% and 21% respectively).”
It adds, “In terms of class hierarchy, the likelihood of the police contacting a person is nearly twice as high amongst the poor compared to the upper class (21% as opposed to 12%). These findings reflect two possibilities: firstly, Muslims, scheduled tribes and those who are poor are less likely to contact the police on their own and secondly that they are more likely to be contacted by the police.”

Comments

Uma said…

There is always a possibility that Muslims are reluctant to be open about their perceptions out of fear of reprisals

June 12, 2018

Gram sabha as reformer: Mandla’s quiet challenge to the liquor economy

By Raj Kumar Sinha* This year, the Union Ministry of Panchayati Raj is organising a two-day PESA Mahotsav in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, on 23–24 December 2025. The event marks the passage of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), enacted by Parliament on 24 December 1996 to establish self-governance in Fifth Schedule areas. Scheduled Areas are those notified by the President of India under Article 244(1) read with the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, which provides for a distinct framework of governance recognising the autonomy of tribal regions. At present, Fifth Schedule areas exist in ten states: Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and Telangana. The PESA Act, 1996 empowers Gram Sabhas—the village assemblies—as the foundation of self-rule in these areas. Among the many powers devolved to them is the authority to take decisions on local matters, including the regulation...

MG-NREGA: A global model still waiting to be fully implemented

By Bharat Dogra When the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MG-NREGA) was introduced in India nearly two decades ago, it drew worldwide attention. The reason was evident. At a time when states across much of the world were retreating from responsibility for livelihoods and welfare, the world’s second most populous country—with nearly two-thirds of its people living in rural or semi-rural areas—committed itself to guaranteeing 100 days of employment a year to its rural population.

Policy changes in rural employment scheme and the politics of nomenclature

By N.S. Venkataraman* The Government of India has introduced a revised rural employment programme by fine-tuning the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), which has been in operation for nearly two decades. The MGNREGA scheme guarantees 100 days of employment annually to rural households and has primarily benefited populations in rural areas. The revised programme has been named VB-G RAM–G (Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission – Gramin). The government has stated that the revised scheme incorporates several structural changes, including an increase in guaranteed employment from 100 to 125 days, modifications in the financing pattern, provisions to strengthen unemployment allowances, and penalties for delays in wage payments. Given the extent of these changes, the government has argued that a new name is required to distinguish the revised programme from the existing MGNREGA framework. As has been witnessed in recent years, the introdu...

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor* This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Concerns raised over move to rename MGNREGA, critics call it politically motivated

By A Representative Concerns have been raised over the Union government’s reported move to rename the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), with critics describing it as a politically motivated step rather than an administrative reform. They argue that the proposed change undermines the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi and seeks to appropriate credit for a programme whose relevance has been repeatedly demonstrated, particularly during times of crisis.

Rollback of right to work? VB–GRAM G Bill 'dilutes' statutory employment guarantee

By A Representative The Right to Food Campaign has strongly condemned the passage of the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) (VB–GRAM G) Bill, 2025, describing it as a major rollback of workers’ rights and a fundamental dilution of the statutory Right to Work guaranteed under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). In a statement, the Campaign termed the repeal of MGNREGA a “dark day for workers’ rights” and accused the government of converting a legally enforceable, demand-based employment guarantee into a centralised, discretionary welfare scheme.

Making rigid distinctions between Indian and foreign 'historically untenable'

By A Representative Oral historian, filmmaker and cultural conservationist Sohail Hashmi has said that everyday practices related to attire, food and architecture in India reflect long histories of interaction and adaptation rather than rigid or exclusionary ideas of identity. He was speaking at a webinar organised by the Indian History Forum (IHF).

India’s Halal economy 'faces an uncertain future' under the new food Bill

By Syed Ali Mujtaba* The proposed Food Safety and Standards (Amendment) Bill, 2025 marks a decisive shift in India’s food regulation landscape by seeking to place Halal certification exclusively under government control while criminalising all private Halal certification bodies. Although the Bill claims to promote “transparency” and “standardisation,” its structure and implications raise serious concerns about religious freedom, economic marginalisation, and the systematic dismantling of a long-established, Muslim-led Halal ecosystem in India.

Search This Blog