Skip to main content

Uneven power, deep divides; 18% yet invisible: Mapping Muslim constituencies in Bihar

By Syed Ali Mujtaba 
Bihar remains, in many ways, a “dark continent” even to those who live within it. The geographical and cultural unity seen in other Indian states is absent here. The state continues to be divided along regional lines—Seemanchal, Mithilanchal, Magadh, and others—as well as linguistic divisions such as Bhojpuri, Maithili, and various dialects of Hindi.
A further divide exists between North and South Bihar. While North Bihar has a greater number of assembly seats, political power traditionally lies in the South. This imbalance stems from historical and developmental reasons: North Bihar is flood-prone and underdeveloped, while South Bihar enjoys dominance due to its relative prosperity and historical advantages. Consequently, Bihar struggles with a fractured identity. People often cling to smaller regional, linguistic, or caste-based identities to navigate their daily challenges.
Within this fragmented landscape, the Muslim identity lies buried. Despite forming about 18% of Bihar’s population, Muslims have not been able to consolidate politically. No serious effort has been made to create a cohesive Muslim political identity or to recognize their demographic strength in shaping Bihar’s democratic future. In a state where Muslims could potentially influence 50 to 75 assembly seats through strategic social and political coordination, their representation remains limited to only 19 seats in the outgoing assembly.
This chronic underrepresentation calls for introspection and organized political planning. The following mapping seeks to identify Muslim-majority and Muslim-influenced constituencies in Bihar using data from the 2011 Census, acknowledging that the Muslim population has likely increased since then. Listed below are Bihar’s 243 assembly constituencies across 38 districts, arranged by descending Muslim population percentages.
1. Kishanganj District – Bahadurganj, Thakurganj, Kishanganj, Kochadhaman: Muslims constitute about 68%.
2. Katihar District – Katihar, Kadwa, Balrampur, Pranpur, Manihari (ST), Barari, Korha (SC): 44.47%.
3. Araria District – Narpatganj, Raniganj (SC), Forbesganj, Araria, Jokihat, Sikti: 42.95%.
4. Purnia District – Amour, Kasba, Banmankhi (SC), Rupauli, Dhamdaha, Purnia: 38.46%.
5. Darbhanga District – Kusheshwar Asthan (SC), Gaura Bauram, Benipur, Alinagar, Darbhanga Rural, Darbhanga, Hayaghat, Bahadurpur, Keoti, Jale: 22.39%.
6. West Champaran District – Valmiki Nagar, Ramnagar (SC), Narkatiaganj, Bagaha, Lauriya, Nautan, Chanpatia, Bettiah, Sikta: 22%.
7. Sitamarhi District – Riga, Bathnaha (SC), Parihar, Sursand, Bajpatti, Sitamarhi, Runnisaidpur, Belsand: 21.62%.
8. East Champaran District – Raxaul, Sugauli, Narkatiaganj, Harsidhi (SC), Govindganj, Kesaria, Kalyanpur, Pipra, Madhuban, Motihari, Chiraia, Dhaka: 19.42%.
9. Siwan District – Siwan, Ziradei, Darauli (SC), Raghunathpur, Daraundha, Barharia, Goriakothi, Maharajganj: 18.26%.
10. Bhagalpur District – Bihpur, Gopalpur, Pirpainti (SC), Kahalgaon, Bhagalpur, Sultanganj, Nathnagar: 17.68%.
11. Supaul District – Nirmali, Pipra, Supaul, Triveniganj (SC), Chhatapur: 18.36%.
12. Madhubani District – Harlakhi, Benipatti, Khajauli, Babubarhi, Bisfi, Madhubani, Rajnagar (SC), Jhanjharpur, Phulparas, Laukaha: 18.25%.
13. Gopalganj District – Baikunthpur, Barauli, Gopalganj, Kuchaikote, Bhorey (SC), Hathua: 17.02%.
14. Muzaffarpur District – Gaighat, Aurai, Minapur, Bochaha (SC), Sakra (SC), Kurhani, Muzaffarpur, Kanti, Baruraj, Paroo, Sahebganj: 15.53%.
15. Saharsa District – Sonbarsha (SC), Saharsa, Simri Bakhtiarpur, Mahishi: 14.03%.
16. Begusarai District – Cheria Bariarpur, Bachhwara, Teghra, Matihani, Sahebpur Kamal, Begusarai, Bakhri (SC): 13.71%.
17. Sheohar District – Sheohar: 13.43%.
18. Banka District – Amarpur, Dhauraiya (SC), Banka, Katoria (ST), Belhar: 12.33%.
19. Madhepura District – Madhepura, Alamnagar, Bihariganj, Singheshwar (SC): 12.08%.
20. Jamui District – Sikandra (SC), Jamui, Jhajha, Chakai: 12.36%.
21. Gaya District – Gurua, Sherghati, Imamganj (SC), Barachatti (SC), Bodh Gaya (SC), Gaya Town, Tikari, Belaganj: 11.12%.
22. Nawada District – Rajauli (SC), Hisua, Nawada, Gobindpur, Warsaliganj: 11.01%.
23. Saran District – Ekma, Manjhi, Baniapur, Taraiya, Marhaura, Chapra, Garkha (SC), Amnour, Parsa, Sonepur: 10.28%.
24. Samastipur District – Kalyanpur (SC), Warisnagar, Samastipur, Ujiarpur, Morwa, Sarairanjan, Mohiuddinnagar, Bibhutipur, Rosera (SC): 10.62%.
25. Khagaria District – Alauli (SC), Khagaria, Beldaur, Parbatta: 10.53%.
26. Rohtas District – Chenari (SC), Sasaram, Kargahar, Dinara, Nokha, Dehri, Karakat: 10.15%.
27. Vaishali District – Hajipur, Lalganj, Vaishali, Mahua, Raja Pakar (SC), Raghopur, Mahnar, Patepur (SC): 9.56%.
28. Kaimur (Bhabhua) District – Ramgarh, Mohania (SC), Bhabhua: 9.55%.
29. Aurangabad District – Goh, Obra, Nabinagar, Kutumba (SC), Aurangabad, Rafiganj: 9.34%.
30. Arwal District – Arwal, Kurtha: 9.17%.
31. Munger District – Munger, Jamalpur, Tarapur: 8.7%.
32. Patna District – Mokama, Barh, Bakhtiarpur, Digha, Bankipur, Kumhrar, Patna Sahib, Fatuha, Danapur, Maner, Phulwari (SC), Masaurhi (SC), Paliganj, Bikram: 7.54%.
33. Bhojpur District – Sandesh, Barhara, Arrah, Agiaon (SC), Tarari, Jagdishpur, Shahpur: 7.25%.
34. Jehanabad District – Jehanabad, Ghosi, Makhdumpur (SC): 6.73%.
35. Nalanda District – Asthawan, Biharsharif, Rajgir (SC), Islampur, Hilsa, Nalanda, Harnaut: 6.88%.
36. Buxar District – Brahampur, Buxar, Dumraon, Rajpur (SC): 6.18%.
37. Sheikhpura District – Sheikhpura, Barbigha: 5.92%.
38. Lakhisarai District – Lakhisarai, Suryagarha: 4.08%.
The data makes one thing clear: Muslims in Bihar must first recognize their demographic strength and weaknesses across the state. Only then can they chart a coherent political strategy to increase their representation. If they can mobilize effectively, the electoral arena could indeed become a “do or die” struggle for adequate participation in Bihar’s democracy.
--
*Journalist based in Chennai

Comments

TRENDING

What Sister Nivedita understood about India that we have forgotten

By Harasankar Adhikari   In the idea of a “Vikshit Bharat,” many real problems—hunger, poverty, ill health, unemployment, and joblessness—are increasingly overshadowed by the religious contest between Hindu and Muslim fundamentalisms. This contest is often sponsored and patronised by political parties across the spectrum, whether openly Hindutva-oriented, Islamist, partisan, or self-proclaimed secular.

The rise of the civilizational state: Prof. Pratap Bhanu Mehta warns of new authoritarianism

By A Representative   Noted political theorist and public intellectual Professor Pratap Bhanu Mehta delivered a poignant reflection on the changing nature of the Indian state today, warning that the rise of a "civilizational state" poses a significant threat to the foundations of modern democracy and individual freedom. Delivering the Achyut Yagnik Memorial Lecture titled "The Idea of Civilization: Poison or Cure?" at the Ahmedabad Management Association, Mehta argued that India is currently witnessing a self-conscious political project that seeks to redefine the state not as a product of a modern constitution, but as an instrument of an ancient, authentic civilization.

Why experts say replacing MGNREGA could undo two decades of rural empowerment

By A Representative   A group of scientists, academics, civil society organisations and field practitioners from India and abroad has issued an open letter urging the Union government to reconsider the repeal of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and to withdraw the newly enacted Viksit Bharat–Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025. The letter, dated December 27, 2025, comes days after the VB–G RAM G Bill was introduced in the Lok Sabha on December 16 and subsequently approved by both Houses of Parliament, formally replacing the two-decade-old employment guarantee law.

NYT: RSS 'infiltrates' institutions, 'drives' religious divide under Modi's leadership

By Jag Jivan   A comprehensive New York Times investigation published on December 26, 2025, chronicles the rise of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) — characterized as a far-right Hindu nationalist organization — from a shadowy group founded in 1925 to the world's largest right-wing force, marking its centenary in 2025 with unprecedented influence and mainstream acceptance. Prime Minister Narendra Modi , who joined the RSS as a young boy and later became a full-time campaigner before being deputized to its political wing in the 1980s, delivered his strongest public tribute to the group in his August 2025 Independence Day address. Speaking from the Red Fort , he called the RSS a "giant river" with dozens of streams touching every aspect of Indian life, praising its "service, dedication, organization, and unmatched discipline." The report describes how the RSS has deeply infiltrated India's institutions — government, courts, police, media, and academia — ...

India’s universities lag global standards, pushing students overseas: NITI Aayog study

By Rajiv Shah   A new Government of India study, Internationalisation of Higher Education in India: Prospects, Potential, and Policy Recommendations , prepared by NITI Aayog , regrets that India’s lag in this sector is the direct result of “several systemic challenges such as inadequate infrastructure to provide quality education and deliver world-class research, weak industry–academia collaboration, and outdated curricula.”

Interfaith cooperation in Punjab village as Sikhs and Hindus support mosque construction

By Bharat Dogra   A recent heart-warming report on Sikh and Hindu families helping to build a mosque in a village of Punjab deserves wide attention. It is such examples that truly strengthen national unity. There are many instances of mutual respect and cooperation among people of different religions and faiths that need to be better known today.

'Caste oppression ignored': NCERT textbooks reflect ideological bias, says historian

By A Representative   The Indian History Forum organized a webinar titled “Rewriting the Past: Distortions and Ideological Interventions in NCERT History Textbooks” on 22 December 2025. The session featured historian Dr Ruchika Sharma, who critically examined recent changes in NCERT history textbooks and their implications for historical understanding and social cohesion among millions of students across the country.  

Investment in rule of law a corporate imperative, not charity: Business, civil society leaders

By A Representative   In a compelling town hall discussion hosted at L.J School of Law , prominent voices from industry and civil society underscored that corporate investment in strengthening the rule of law is not an act of charity but a critical business strategy for building a safer, stronger, and developed India by 2047. The dialogue, part of the Unmute podcast series, examined the intrinsic link between ethical business conduct , robust legal frameworks, and sustainable national development, against the sobering backdrop of India ranking 79th out of 142 countries on the global Rule of Law Index .

When a city rebuilt forgets its builders: Migrant workers’ struggle for sanitation in Bhuj

Khasra Ground site By Aseem Mishra*  Access to safe drinking water and sanitation is not a privilege—it is a fundamental human right. This principle has been unequivocally recognised by the United Nations and repeatedly affirmed by the Supreme Court of India as intrinsic to the right to life and dignity under Article 21 of the Constitution. Yet, for thousands of migrant workers living in Bhuj, this right remains elusive, exposing a troubling disconnect between constitutional guarantees, policy declarations, and lived reality.