Skip to main content

Uneven power, deep divides; 18% yet invisible: Mapping Muslim constituencies in Bihar

By Syed Ali Mujtaba 
Bihar remains, in many ways, a “dark continent” even to those who live within it. The geographical and cultural unity seen in other Indian states is absent here. The state continues to be divided along regional lines—Seemanchal, Mithilanchal, Magadh, and others—as well as linguistic divisions such as Bhojpuri, Maithili, and various dialects of Hindi.
A further divide exists between North and South Bihar. While North Bihar has a greater number of assembly seats, political power traditionally lies in the South. This imbalance stems from historical and developmental reasons: North Bihar is flood-prone and underdeveloped, while South Bihar enjoys dominance due to its relative prosperity and historical advantages. Consequently, Bihar struggles with a fractured identity. People often cling to smaller regional, linguistic, or caste-based identities to navigate their daily challenges.
Within this fragmented landscape, the Muslim identity lies buried. Despite forming about 18% of Bihar’s population, Muslims have not been able to consolidate politically. No serious effort has been made to create a cohesive Muslim political identity or to recognize their demographic strength in shaping Bihar’s democratic future. In a state where Muslims could potentially influence 50 to 75 assembly seats through strategic social and political coordination, their representation remains limited to only 19 seats in the outgoing assembly.
This chronic underrepresentation calls for introspection and organized political planning. The following mapping seeks to identify Muslim-majority and Muslim-influenced constituencies in Bihar using data from the 2011 Census, acknowledging that the Muslim population has likely increased since then. Listed below are Bihar’s 243 assembly constituencies across 38 districts, arranged by descending Muslim population percentages.
1. Kishanganj District – Bahadurganj, Thakurganj, Kishanganj, Kochadhaman: Muslims constitute about 68%.
2. Katihar District – Katihar, Kadwa, Balrampur, Pranpur, Manihari (ST), Barari, Korha (SC): 44.47%.
3. Araria District – Narpatganj, Raniganj (SC), Forbesganj, Araria, Jokihat, Sikti: 42.95%.
4. Purnia District – Amour, Kasba, Banmankhi (SC), Rupauli, Dhamdaha, Purnia: 38.46%.
5. Darbhanga District – Kusheshwar Asthan (SC), Gaura Bauram, Benipur, Alinagar, Darbhanga Rural, Darbhanga, Hayaghat, Bahadurpur, Keoti, Jale: 22.39%.
6. West Champaran District – Valmiki Nagar, Ramnagar (SC), Narkatiaganj, Bagaha, Lauriya, Nautan, Chanpatia, Bettiah, Sikta: 22%.
7. Sitamarhi District – Riga, Bathnaha (SC), Parihar, Sursand, Bajpatti, Sitamarhi, Runnisaidpur, Belsand: 21.62%.
8. East Champaran District – Raxaul, Sugauli, Narkatiaganj, Harsidhi (SC), Govindganj, Kesaria, Kalyanpur, Pipra, Madhuban, Motihari, Chiraia, Dhaka: 19.42%.
9. Siwan District – Siwan, Ziradei, Darauli (SC), Raghunathpur, Daraundha, Barharia, Goriakothi, Maharajganj: 18.26%.
10. Bhagalpur District – Bihpur, Gopalpur, Pirpainti (SC), Kahalgaon, Bhagalpur, Sultanganj, Nathnagar: 17.68%.
11. Supaul District – Nirmali, Pipra, Supaul, Triveniganj (SC), Chhatapur: 18.36%.
12. Madhubani District – Harlakhi, Benipatti, Khajauli, Babubarhi, Bisfi, Madhubani, Rajnagar (SC), Jhanjharpur, Phulparas, Laukaha: 18.25%.
13. Gopalganj District – Baikunthpur, Barauli, Gopalganj, Kuchaikote, Bhorey (SC), Hathua: 17.02%.
14. Muzaffarpur District – Gaighat, Aurai, Minapur, Bochaha (SC), Sakra (SC), Kurhani, Muzaffarpur, Kanti, Baruraj, Paroo, Sahebganj: 15.53%.
15. Saharsa District – Sonbarsha (SC), Saharsa, Simri Bakhtiarpur, Mahishi: 14.03%.
16. Begusarai District – Cheria Bariarpur, Bachhwara, Teghra, Matihani, Sahebpur Kamal, Begusarai, Bakhri (SC): 13.71%.
17. Sheohar District – Sheohar: 13.43%.
18. Banka District – Amarpur, Dhauraiya (SC), Banka, Katoria (ST), Belhar: 12.33%.
19. Madhepura District – Madhepura, Alamnagar, Bihariganj, Singheshwar (SC): 12.08%.
20. Jamui District – Sikandra (SC), Jamui, Jhajha, Chakai: 12.36%.
21. Gaya District – Gurua, Sherghati, Imamganj (SC), Barachatti (SC), Bodh Gaya (SC), Gaya Town, Tikari, Belaganj: 11.12%.
22. Nawada District – Rajauli (SC), Hisua, Nawada, Gobindpur, Warsaliganj: 11.01%.
23. Saran District – Ekma, Manjhi, Baniapur, Taraiya, Marhaura, Chapra, Garkha (SC), Amnour, Parsa, Sonepur: 10.28%.
24. Samastipur District – Kalyanpur (SC), Warisnagar, Samastipur, Ujiarpur, Morwa, Sarairanjan, Mohiuddinnagar, Bibhutipur, Rosera (SC): 10.62%.
25. Khagaria District – Alauli (SC), Khagaria, Beldaur, Parbatta: 10.53%.
26. Rohtas District – Chenari (SC), Sasaram, Kargahar, Dinara, Nokha, Dehri, Karakat: 10.15%.
27. Vaishali District – Hajipur, Lalganj, Vaishali, Mahua, Raja Pakar (SC), Raghopur, Mahnar, Patepur (SC): 9.56%.
28. Kaimur (Bhabhua) District – Ramgarh, Mohania (SC), Bhabhua: 9.55%.
29. Aurangabad District – Goh, Obra, Nabinagar, Kutumba (SC), Aurangabad, Rafiganj: 9.34%.
30. Arwal District – Arwal, Kurtha: 9.17%.
31. Munger District – Munger, Jamalpur, Tarapur: 8.7%.
32. Patna District – Mokama, Barh, Bakhtiarpur, Digha, Bankipur, Kumhrar, Patna Sahib, Fatuha, Danapur, Maner, Phulwari (SC), Masaurhi (SC), Paliganj, Bikram: 7.54%.
33. Bhojpur District – Sandesh, Barhara, Arrah, Agiaon (SC), Tarari, Jagdishpur, Shahpur: 7.25%.
34. Jehanabad District – Jehanabad, Ghosi, Makhdumpur (SC): 6.73%.
35. Nalanda District – Asthawan, Biharsharif, Rajgir (SC), Islampur, Hilsa, Nalanda, Harnaut: 6.88%.
36. Buxar District – Brahampur, Buxar, Dumraon, Rajpur (SC): 6.18%.
37. Sheikhpura District – Sheikhpura, Barbigha: 5.92%.
38. Lakhisarai District – Lakhisarai, Suryagarha: 4.08%.
The data makes one thing clear: Muslims in Bihar must first recognize their demographic strength and weaknesses across the state. Only then can they chart a coherent political strategy to increase their representation. If they can mobilize effectively, the electoral arena could indeed become a “do or die” struggle for adequate participation in Bihar’s democracy.
--
*Journalist based in Chennai

Comments

TRENDING

When democracy becomes a performance: The Tibetan exile experience

By Tseten Lhundup*  I was born in Bylakuppe, one of the largest Tibetan settlements in southern India. From childhood, I grew up in simple barracks, along muddy roads, and in fields with limited resources. Over the years, I have watched our democratic system slowly erode. Observing the recent budget session of the 17th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, these “democratic procedures” appear grand and orderly on the surface, yet in reality they amount to little more than empty formalities. The parliamentarians seem largely disconnected from the everyday struggles faced by ordinary exiled Tibetans like us.

Study links sanctions to 500,000 deaths annually leading to rise in global backlash

By Bharat Dogra  International opinion is increasingly turning against the expanding burden of sanctions imposed on a growing number of countries. These measures are contributing to humanitarian crises, intensifying domestic discord, and heightening international tensions, thereby increasing the risks of conflicts and wars. 

Dhurandhar: The Revenge — Blurring the line between fiction and political narrative

By Mohd. Ziyaullah Khan*  "Dhurandhar: The Revenge" does not wait to be remembered; it arrives almost on the heels of its predecessor, released on March 19, 2026, just months after the first film’s December 2025 debut. The speed of its arrival feels less like creative urgency and more like calculated timing—cinema responding not to storytelling rhythm but to the emotional climate of its audience. Director Aditya Dhar, along with actor Yami Gautam, appears acutely aware of this moment and how to harness it.

Beyond the island: Top mythologist reorients the geography of the Ramayana

By Jag Jivan   In a compelling new analysis that challenges conventional geographical assumptions about the ancient epic, writer and mythologist Devdutt Pattanaik has traced the roots of the Ramayana to the forests and river systems of Central and Eastern India, rather than the peninsular south or the modern island nation of Sri Lanka.

BJP accounts for 99% of political donations in Gujarat: Corporate giants dominate

By Jag Jivan   An analysis of the official data on donations received by national parties from Gujarat during the Financial Year 2024-25 reveals a staggering concentration of funding, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) accounting for nearly the entirety of the contributions. The data, compiled in a document titled "National Parties donations received from Gujarat during FY-2024-25," lists thousands of transactions, painting a detailed picture of the financial backing for political parties from one of India’s most industrially significant states.

Alarming decline in India's repair culture threatens circular economy goals: Study

By Jag Jivan  A comprehensive new study by environmental research and advocacy organisation Toxics Link has painted a worrying picture of India's fading repair culture, warning that the trend towards replacement over repair is accelerating the country's already critical e-waste crisis.

Captains extraordinaire: Ranking cricket’s most influential skippers

By Harsh Thakor*  Ranking the greatest cricket captains is a subjective exercise, often sparking passionate debate among fans. The following list is not merely a tally of wins and losses; it is an assessment of leadership’s deeper impact. My criteria fuse a captain’s playing record with their tactical skill, placing the highest consideration on their ability to reshape a team’s fortunes and inspire those around them. A captain who inherited a dominant empire is judged differently from one who resurrected a nation’s cricket from the doldrums. With that in mind, here is my perspective on the finest leaders the game has ever seen.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

‘No merit’ in Chakraborty’s claims: Personal ethics talk sans details raises questions

By Jag Jivan  A recent opinion piece published in The Quint by Subhash Chandra Garg has raised questions over the circumstances surrounding the resignation of Atanu Chakraborty from HDFC Bank , with Garg stating that the exit “raises doubts about his own ‘ethics’.” Garg, currently Chief Policy Advisor at Subhanjali and former Secretary of the Department of Economic Affairs, Government of India, writes that the Reserve Bank of India ( RBI ) appears to find no substance in Chakraborty’s claims, noting, “It is clear the RBI sees no merit in Atanu Chakraborty’s wild and vague assertions.”