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Who decides what Indians should eat? From the plate to politics

By Ram Puniyani* 
In contemporary India, we are witnessing many mechanisms of political propaganda that seek to influence social thinking. Food habits have increasingly become one of the components of divisive politics. The idea that Muslims are more violent because they consume non-vegetarian food is one such narrative. The politics surrounding the “Holy Cow” and beef consumption has also entered this discourse. We have witnessed the phenomenon of lynching in India, in which Muslims and Dalits have been among the major victims.
Food habits have also become a basis for social segregation. In some housing societies, prospective residents are questioned about their food preferences before being allowed to purchase or occupy flats. This issue came into sharper focus recently in West Bengal, where the question of whether non-vegetarian food should be kept away from Durga Puja pandals generated considerable controversy. Similar demands have been made elsewhere for restrictions on the sale of non-vegetarian food during the Jain festival of Paryushan.
The recent intervention by Dhirendra Krishna Shastri of Bageshwar Dham—whom Prime Minister Narendra Modi has referred to as his “younger brother”—generated a mixed reaction. West Bengal was preparing for its biggest festival, Durga Puja, when Shastri visited Howrah's Liluah for a Hanuman Katha. He advised people to keep non-vegetarian food away from Durga idols during the Puja. A similar appeal had already been made by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), an organisation associated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
The intervention triggered strong reactions among sections of Bengali society, including people who identify themselves as “Hindu nationalists.” Several prominent Bengalis objected to what they saw as an attempt by an outsider to prescribe how Durga Puja should be celebrated and what people should eat.
The reaction is understandable in the context of Bengal's distinctive religious and culinary traditions. Fish, in particular, occupies an important place in Bengali culture, while goats are traditionally associated with certain Durga Puja rituals. Many Bengalis have pointed out that Hinduism encompasses a wide range of traditions and practices, including communities in which non-vegetarian food forms part of religious or cultural life.
The criticism came from a diverse section of society. Former Tripura Governor Tathagata Roy, journalists, content creators and others—including some who describe themselves as “Bengali Hindu nationalists”—voiced their objections. Kolkata-based content creator Shreyasi Biswas Banerjee wrote on Facebook, “Don't tell a Bengali how to celebrate Durga Puja.” In an accompanying video, she argued that an “outsider” was attempting to prescribe rules for a festival rooted in Bengal's distinctive religious and culinary traditions. Posters featuring Shastri were also reportedly targeted by some protesters.
Suvendu Adhikari, who had received Shastri warmly, subsequently attended a ceremony at a Durga temple and consumed fish offered as prasad. The episode once again highlighted the cultural significance of fish in Bengal.
India is a country of enormous diversity—in food, clothing, language, customs and religious practices. Hindu society itself encompasses numerous sects, communities and traditions, with widely differing food habits. Kashmiri Pandits, for instance, have traditionally included mutton in their cuisine. Geography is also an important determinant of food habits. In coastal regions, seafood naturally forms an important part of the diet.
The politics of food extends beyond West Bengal. At a recent BRICS meeting, only vegetarian food was served at the gala dinner. Chinese President Xi Jinping did not attend the dinner, although his reasons for doing so are not clear. Opposition parties criticised the vegetarian-only menu, while Union Minister Kiren Rijiju defended it, saying that the guests appreciated the food. The episode nevertheless raised questions about whether India's culinary diversity is adequately reflected in official representations of Indian cuisine.
Similarly, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath recently published a map highlighting important food items associated with the state's districts. Critics pointed out that Lucknow's famous Tunday Kababi cuisine was absent, while vegetarian dishes were prominently represented. Such instances contribute to the impression that India's culinary identity is being increasingly presented through a vegetarian lens.
In another incident, 14 Muslims were reportedly detained after eating chicken biryani during an Iftar gathering while travelling by boat on the Ganga. Reports also noted that Hindus who consumed alcohol during boat rides were not subjected to similar action. Such incidents raise questions about the manner in which food, religion and identity can become entangled in the enforcement of public rules.
Despite India's enormous dietary diversity, vegetarianism is being increasingly promoted by governments and political organisations. Some estimates have suggested that a substantial majority of Indians consume non-vegetarian food at least occasionally. In Gujarat, where the BJP has governed for decades, non-vegetarian food has in many places become relatively less visible in the public sphere. Some people reportedly travel to restaurants near the state's borders to obtain non-vegetarian food.
This creates a dilemma for the BJP: how does it reconcile India's diverse and prevalent food habits with political and cultural currents that seek to promote vegetarianism? At various opportunities, political leaders and organisations associated with the broader Hindutva movement have sought to advance vegetarian practices. Non-vegetarian food is also sometimes implicitly or explicitly associated with Muslims, despite the fact that non-vegetarian diets are followed by people belonging to many religious and social communities across India.
This approach may encounter different responses in different parts of the country. In Gujarat, such cultural pressures may have become more established over time. In West Bengal, however, the attempt to prescribe food practices has encountered resistance because of the region's deeply rooted culinary and cultural traditions.
Figures such as Shastri, and the growing influence of religious personalities of his kind, can become part of a wider political-cultural discourse. The attempt to influence food habits is not simply about what people eat; it can also become a means of shaping cultural identity.
Human societies have evolved through diverse ecological, geographical, historical and cultural circumstances, and food habits have always reflected that diversity. India is no exception. Its culinary traditions cannot be reduced to a single dietary model.
There may be legitimate ethical, environmental, health or cultural arguments for vegetarianism or veganism. People are free to adopt such diets according to their beliefs and preferences. But in a democratic society, respect for people's freedom to choose their food should be the starting point.
The controversy surrounding Shastri's remarks in West Bengal demonstrates that attempts to prescribe a uniform food culture can encounter resistance, particularly where food is deeply intertwined with regional identity and tradition. Whether through direct appeals, cultural campaigns or political messaging, efforts to reshape people's food habits inevitably raise a larger question: who has the right to decide what citizens should eat?
India's diversity has always included diversity on the plate. Protecting that diversity is ultimately part of respecting the freedom and plurality of Indian society.
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*Political commentator 

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