Arjun Prasad Singh, presently convenor of the Democratic Peoples Front of India, participated in several political mobilisations in Bihar from the late 1980s to the mid-1990s, including land-related agitations in Jehanabad, Daltangunj, Aurangabad and Khagaria. He was associated with the Lok Sangram Morcha formed in 1988 in Delhi and took part in protests and campaigns against what he viewed as state repression. He was also involved in the work of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad, where he advocated for a mass-based approach to agrarian movements.
Singh, 75 plus, participated in meetings and activities of the All-India Peoples Resistance Forum and wrote regularly in journals such as Mukti Marg, focusing on political developments in Bihar. His writings argue for broad-based mobilisation and present his interpretation of Marxist practice.
I met Arjun Singh several times since 1990, first in Mumbai during his tenure with the Lok Sangram Morcha, later during AIPRF events and visits to Bihar, and subsequently in Delhi, where he shared his views on contemporary politics.
Singh has written on issues related to workers, economic policy, caste, and the nature of the Indian state, expressing his understanding of “Brahmanical fascism” and the impact of neoliberal reforms. He compares political developments in India with those in China and outlines his differences with Maoist positions. He states that he supports Leninism but does not endorse Maoism.
He has faced internal organisational disputes, including his expulsion from the CPI (Maoist). Since 2012, though formally still associated for some time, he distanced himself from the party’s political practice. He has written a series of articles in Morcha describing the evolution of the CPI(ML) Party Unity’s work in Bihar and contrasting it with the line pursued by the CPI (Maoist).
Below is an interview I conducted with Arjun Prasad Singh recently:
Q. How did you start your political journey?
A. I began political activity in 1972 while studying for my MA at Patna University. I joined the Bihar Students Association, which supported the Naxalbari movement. In 1974, we formed the CPI(ML) Unity Committee.
Q. Do you feel important economic changes have occurred in India since the 1990s?
A. Yes. Many workers today are contractual rather than permanent. Large numbers of peasants have left agriculture and migrated to cities.
Q. Do you endorse the 1970 CPI(ML) Party programme?
A. No. I do not accept its characterisation of India as semi-feudal and semi-colonial. I believe India has become a dependent capitalist country, with capitalism developing through foreign capital and technology. In my view, the principal contradiction is between the comprador-bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the masses.
Q. What is the state of the Indian communist revolutionary movement, and what steps do you suggest?
A. The movement is divided into many groups with differing lines. While unity is difficult, I believe coordination is necessary to resist what I consider the fascist policies of the current government.
Q. What is your opinion of the CPI (Maoist)?
A. I disagree with Maoism as an ideological framework and with the CPI (Maoist)’s approach to strategy and tactics. I believe mass organisations and mass activity have been weakened by an emphasis on armed struggle.
Q. Was the CPI(ML) Party Unity different from the CPI (Maoist)?
A. Yes. Until the mid-1990s the Party Unity group emphasised mass work and defensive resistance, rejected the call for base areas, and treated elections tactically. I believe its approach shifted after unity talks with the People’s War Group, which, in my view, led to a departure from mass-based practice.
Q. Is the Chinese path of revolution applicable in India?
A. I do not think it is applicable, as India is governed by a strong central state rather than a system of warlords.
Q. Is India a fascist country?
A. I consider India to be fascist according to Georgi Dimitrov’s definition, adapted to Indian conditions. I believe the current government uses majoritarian mobilisation and serves corporate interests.
Q. What is your opinion on Maoism?
A. I view Maoism as sectarian and not applicable today. I differentiate between Maoism and Mao Zedong Thought and argue that elections cannot be dismissed.
Q. What is your view on the Chinese Cultural Revolution?
A. I see its initial phase positively but believe it later became sectarian and disconnected from mass organisations.
Q. What is the character of Indian fascism?
A. I interpret Indian fascism as distinct from its Western variants, involving centralised authority, majoritarian politics, restrictions on civil liberties and alignment with corporate interests.
Q. What has affected the Indian communist revolutionary camp the most?
A. I believe many groups have adopted revisionist or parliamentary approaches, while others practise what I consider sectarian methods.
Q. What is your view on Maoist leaders surrendering?
A. I think they recognised changing conditions. I do not consider them traitors but believe their shift came late.
Q. What is the role of the Democratic People’s Front?
A. The Democratic People’s Front, formed about five years ago, is a democratic platform operating in several states. It works on issues related to economic policy, repression, corruption, unemployment, price rise, and the rights of minorities and marginalised communities. It coordinates with other groups on joint activities.
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*Freelance journalist
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