In Gora village of the Narmada Valley, the death of three young Adivasi labourers during the construction of a ghat is a grave and tragic incident. Along with this incident, irregularities in tourism activities centered around the ‘Statue of Unity’ and in religious works have also come to light. When local Adivasi leaders, activists and a few concerned citizens raised their voices, officials who initially refused even ₹5 lakh compensation finally agreed to ₹50 lakh, and then actually provided ₹20 lakh with a written promise of the remainder. But no amount of money can bring back a life, and those suffering today fear that Adivasi communities will face even greater deprivation in the future. They are shocked by this reality.
The three workers from Akoti village had been compelled to become construction labourers, just as thousands of youth displaced by the Sardar Sarovar and other projects in Gujarat were forced into such work. Gora is one of the six villages termed “colony-affected”: Kevadia, Kothi, Vagodia, Limdi, Navagam, and Gora. The agricultural lands of Adivasis in these villages—fields with standing crops—were taken by the government in 1961, after destroying the crops, for a compensation of only ₹60 to ₹200 per acre. Since then, all these villagers have continued a non-violent struggle, demanding “rehabilitate us too.”
But although their land was taken in the name of work related to Sardar Sarovar—construction of the Kevadia colony, government offices, store rooms of the construction company, nine guest houses, and a helipad—they were not officially recognised as project-affected. They were eventually granted resettlement by offering the equivalent of barren land or just 5 acres as compensation. Years earlier, a plan to give ₹36,000 instead of 5 acres had failed.
A few elderly villagers accepted it, but hundreds of Adivasis persisted, and finally, in 2013, through a government order, they were assured alternative agricultural land. The government later reversed this and announced only ₹7.5 lakh per hectare—a sum insufficient even to buy one acre of land. This was rejected, and these six villages remain denied.
Their story reveals multiple illegalities. The land was supposedly taken for a “canal,” although no canal was ever built. The location of the dam itself had to be changed multiple times due to seismic risks. How then could a canal exist in Gora? Taking land in the name of the canal was nothing but deception. Whatever small portions of land remained with families have been seized again in recent years for tourism projects—hotels, the Ekta Mall, VIP city, and nature-garden-type works. The family of Chandabhai and Ambaben of Gora played a major role in asserting the rights of the six villages.
Yet, their land and that of others was transferred to the Shoolpaneshwar Temple Trust without even informing them. Land taken for one purpose being diverted to another is illegal under land acquisition law—this was simple expropriation. On Ambaben’s land, police suddenly arrived and seized it for building a ghat in front of the temple, without giving her a chance to file an application or undertake legal procedures.
As for the Shoolpaneshwar Temple, it was originally located in Nanduri village of Maharashtra, near the Gujarat–Maharashtra border. Saints and even Shankaracharyas had objected to removing the original idol, citing scriptures warning that such an act leads to destruction. The “new” temple created at Gora for tourists and devotees became the centerpiece for building the ghat inaugurated by the Prime Minister on 30 October.
Many labourers were deployed on the site. Despite earning only ₹700 per day, having no safety equipment, working during monsoon-like conditions, and warnings from the irrigation department, they continued. A portion of the hill collapsed during this work on land taken from Ambaben, killing three labourers on 27 October. Adivasis across the region were shaken. Work stopped, and the inauguration was cancelled.
Who will investigate these long-standing processes of land dispossession? Who will be held accountable? Will giving large sums of compensation to families of the deceased make everything “legal”?
The land of these six villages is still coveted. Residents are being displaced in various ways to expand the “Statue of Unity” and “Ekta Nagar” environment. Plans for “Vandana Mandir” in Gora and “Rajwada Mandir” in Limdi are being pushed ahead. Adivasi farmer Rajkisan Tivi’s 3-acre plot was taken for ₹90 under pressure; now it is being used for the Vandana Mandir project, and like in Vagodia and Kevadia, he remains uninformed and excluded.
The most serious impact is on livelihoods. Many farmers who had become small vendors were removed in the name of beautifying tourist areas. Several small shops made of tin sheets in Limdi were demolished with JCB machines. Peaceful protest was met with lathi-charge when people declared they would block canal water to the Sardar Sarovar.
Many displaced persons quit their three-month contractual jobs related to the Statue of Unity, turned to driving rickshaws, but were then removed too. Now only e-rickshaws run by women are being allowed by the agency. These women receive ₹600–700 for three weekdays and ₹900 on busy weekends, after commissions. A major company is bringing 20–25 e-buses to carry tourists to the Statue of Unity during large events. Petrol and diesel vehicle drivers will be unemployed; even e-rickshaw drivers face uncertainty.
Hundreds of Adivasis displaced from small tanks, colonies, submerged areas, and near the Garudeshwar weir remain uncompensated even today. Those who lived with nature—dependent on water, forests, land—now face hardship despite promises of rehabilitation: drinking water shortages, barren land, or land unsuitable for farming. Cash cannot compensate for loss of natural resources.
Who will understand this when the aim is to impose a new model of development without concern for Adivasi labourers, fishers, forest-produce collectors, cattle herders? Local youth and lawyers have filed petitions in the Gujarat High Court. Where is the hearing? Will the judiciary act on the principle that “justice delayed is justice denied”? Which pillar of democracy will respond—from Gram Sabha to the Legislature? When and where will answers emerge?
We remember the martyrs and satyagrahis of these villages—Manlaben, Kanpala Ben, Jasuben, and Prabhubhai. Who recalls the violence of contractors’ goons who broke flour mills and clocks inside homes in Kevadia? Who remembers the attack on labour leader Thakorbhai Shah, who organised workers for justice? The villages remain fragmented. Protests continue—processions, and hunger strikes by displaced persons sitting atop towers. They still receive only hollow assurances.
The story of the Sardar Sarovar has many such dimensions. Tourism projects like the Statue of Unity have pushed the cost of the dam from ₹4,200 crore in 1983, to ₹6,480 crore in 1988, and to nearly ₹90,000 crore today, including interest and expenses. Beyond the six downstream villages, towns and villages across Bharuch, Narmada, and Vadodara districts—fields, industries, shops, temples—have suffered damage, especially between 2013 and 2023. Development costs more than money—it costs life, livelihood, culture and nature.
Even though Kutch and Saurashtra were supposed to be the main beneficiaries, they still remain deprived due to incomplete canals and priority given to industries and cities. The Narmada river itself suffers salinity intrusion up to 60 km inland since 2013. When 450 companies reap benefits from South Gujarat to Kutch, one recalls the book by Nagishbhai Patel: “Whose Benefit, Whose Loss?” This question remains urgent. Tourists will not ask it; they won’t know the conditions of local residents. If Sardar Patel were alive, he would have raised his voice; he would not accept mere statues or spectacles of tourism.
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*Leader, Narmada Bachao Andolon. This is the translated version of the original Hindi article
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