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Syndicate raj? India's democratic norms being 'subsumed' by patronage

By Sanjay Parate
 
The brutal murder of a police inspector in Khategaon, Madhya Pradesh, allegedly at the hands of the illicit liquor trade, is not an isolated crime. With reported cross-border links running deep into Gujarat, the incident exposes a comfortable inter-state sanctuary for organized crime. Commit an atrocity in one state, find refuge in another; in both realms, the political patron presides. Immunity is guaranteed, provided the requisite dividend flows upward.
When a state fails to safeguard even its uniform-clad officers, the facade of administrative capability collapses. The tragedy in Khategaon is simply the latest symptom of an institutionalized criminalization of politics, where law and order takes a back seat to illicit patronage.
India today is caught in the grip of specialized syndicates: sand, mining, liquor, real estate, transport, public recruitment, and resource extraction. Under the current regime, the rhetoric of national rejuvenation conceals a harsher economic reality. The historical metaphor of India as the “golden bird” has been supplanted by an economy partitioned among predatory cartels. In this ecosystem, enterprise is risk-free for the well-connected: the profits are private, the extraction absolute, and accountability nonexistent.
Alongside this informal extraction sits the formal economic doctrine of aggressive disinvestment. Public infrastructure and state assets, built over generations, are increasingly offloaded at bargain valuations to narrow corporate interests to bridge fiscal holes. When citizens mobilize against the privatization of the commons, the administrative machinery responds not with dialogue, but with institutional coercion: baton charges, tear gas, preventive detentions, and draconian statutes. The state apparatus treats popular dissent as an inconvenience to be managed rather than a constitutional right to be respected.
This governance model has inverted the relationship between state and citizen, eroding both domestic welfare and national sovereignty. While the administration projects muscular nationalism at home, its strategic autonomy bends under foreign imperial pressure. The spectacle of a senior American Secretary of State (photo) bypassing normal diplomatic conventions in the national capital to land in Mumbai and Jamnagar—holding direct negotiations with private industrial conglomerates over refinery capacities and oil supply chains while Indian ministers scramble to facilitate—illustrates this compromise. National economic policy is increasingly tailored to serve foreign interests and domestic oligarchs at the expense of sovereign self-reliance.
The systemic toll of this governance model is counted in the lives of public servants. Officers and personnel such as Narendra Kumar Singh, Dharmendra Chauhan, Narendra Sharma, Subedar Singh Kushwah, Prasanna Singh Baghel, Mahendra Bagri, Harikesh Gurjar, and Dilip Puri paid with their lives for confronting entrenched networks. Rather than prosecuting these cartels, the political establishment effectively regularizes their presence, creating a system where resource extraction proceeds unchecked while the rule of law is eroded.
Faced with mounting economic distress and public opposition, the ruling dispensation has turned to aggressive political theater. Marches are organized and nationalist symbols are mobilized not to defend public welfare, but to shield the ruling apparatus from accountability. Legitimate opposition demands for transparency and institutional reform are routinely smeared as "anarchy." In the government's rhetoric, loyalty to the ruling party has been deliberately conflated with loyalty to the nation, and questioning executive power is treated as an assault on democracy itself.
Meanwhile, critical independent institutions—most notably the Election Commission—face unprecedented scrutiny over their autonomy. When systematic procedural revisions and arbitrary deletions threaten to disenfranchise an estimated 130 to 140 million eligible citizens, the very foundation of universal adult suffrage is placed under siege. In this inverted political lexicon, the engineering of electoral rolls is treated as routine administration, authoritarian consolidation is rebranded as Ramrajya, and the suppression of dissent is hailed as good governance. Refusing to step down in the face of failure is marketed as political stability.
Yet, democracy in India does not reside in the benevolence of the executive; it breathes through the safeguards of the Constitution drafted under the stewardship of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. The ongoing resistance mounted by civil society, student movements, farmers' unions, and opposition alliances across the streets and inside Parliament is not merely an electoral contest. It is a fundamental defense of constitutional sovereignty against executive impunity.
The choice facing the nation is stark. If the democratic framework collapses beneath the weight of state-backed syndicates, mass voter exclusion, and external subservience, the rights, dignity, and survival of ordinary citizens will collapse with it. Only if democracy survives will the people survive.
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The author is the Vice President of the Chhattisgarh Kisan Sabha, affiliated with the All India Kisan Sabha

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