From liberty, equality, fraternity to authoritarianism: India at 79

By Ram Puniyani* 

Our independence was the huge achievement of a people's struggle against the British. The independence struggle had the participation of people of all religions, castes, genders, languages, and ethnicities. The principles that guided our movement were Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and Social Justice. Leaders like Bhagat Singh emphasized the values of rights and liberty for all sections of society, irrespective of the bonds of class and caste. Ambedkar focused on equality (social justice) for all people, trying to break the bonds of caste and varna, while Gandhi, who was the overarching leader of the movement, emphasized fraternity. Those who supported them belonged to the rising classes: industrialists, businessmen, workers, women, and indigenous people. The triad of the modern state was embodied in these three major icons, who left a deep impression on free India. It was these values of the independence movement that formed the foundational triad of the Indian Constitution.

These rising classes, emerging due to industrialization, communication, and modern education, looked forward to a country where inclusive nationalism would ensure peace and progress. This was, class-wise, a broad generalization, with a few exceptions scattered here and there. Opposing these trends toward a modern India were the declining sections of earlier rulers and dominant sections of society, who were steeped in the feudal values of caste and gender hierarchy — those rooted in patriarchy who glorified the era when the values of kingdoms and feudalism prevailed. They mostly opposed the freedom movement and instead invoked a "glorious ancient" past.

They imposed a method of looking backward while walking forward. These tendencies came from the landlords and kings who were fearful of the empowerment of workers, Dalits, women, and Adivasis. They typically glorified the kings of their own religion and the social values associated with those times. The Muslim League drew its main support from nawabs and landlords, while the Hindu Mahasabha and RSS drew theirs from rajas, landlords, and clerics. They opposed the emerging values of a democratic society, modern education for all, and the struggle against the British. These tendencies regarded religion as the basis of the nation, an idea well articulated by Savarkar in his book Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu? This was a painful counter to the ongoing anti-British national movement. The partition of the country along religious lines was the biggest stab in the back of Indian nationalism.

The Constituent Assembly represented the diversity of the country well. Ambedkar, who had burnt the Manusmriti, was asked to chair the crucial drafting committee. Soon after the Constitution was framed, the RSS mouthpiece Organiser published a scathing criticism of it on the grounds that it lacked the ancient values of the Manusmriti. Effigies and images of Ambedkar and Nehru were burnt by these elements.

Independent India had the twin leadership of Nehru and Patel, both staunch followers of Gandhi. While Patel successfully integrated most of the princely states, Nehru implemented the vision of a modern India by ensuring the Constitution was upheld in letter and spirit. "One person, one vote" was successfully implemented, and the roots of democracy were planted deep through Nehru's undying faith in democracy and secularism — which are, in a way, twins. His vision of modern education (institutions like the IITs, IIMs, and AIIMS, to name a few), the foundation he laid for the public sector, his focus on irrigation, and his implementation of reservation policy together ensured some progress toward equality. Some commentators, comparing India's and Pakistan's trajectories a few decades on, have noted that India's achievements and Pakistan's struggles — in education and industrialization — can be attributed to many factors, but that the central factor was the presence of Jawaharlal Nehru in India.

Over the last few decades, the rise of the Hindu right wing — the RSS and its affiliated organizations — has changed the direction of the nation's goals and ideals. Authoritarian politics in the name of Hindu religion now occupies center stage, undermining the idea of India that emerged during the freedom movement. Those who once stood on the sidelines, opposing the freedom movement and its values of inclusion and equality, now dominate, and the country's development has stalled. Rising hostility toward religious minorities threatens to demolish the value of fraternity in our society. The recent movement against failures in the examination system has certainly dented the regime's arrogance, but the broader direction and goals of Hindu nationalism remain very much intact. The battle to restore our democratic spirit and constitutional values will require a long and sustained struggle.

The RSS combine has sown hatred deep within society and has infiltrated nearly every facet of the Indian state. Dissatisfaction with its policies has peaked and surfaced strongly with the recent protest movement at Jantar Mantar. This has, for now, loosened somewhat the constraints imposed by what might be called an "elected autocratic" regime. But the deeper wounds inflicted by the RSS combine will not be easily healed; they have affected the body politic in a profound way. What is needed, in due course, is a change from a regime committed to Hindu nationalism to one devoted to the Indian Constitution. The falsehood-based narratives that have taken root in popular understanding need to be countered by narratives built around the centuries-old love and friendship among India's people — the very narratives that Bose, Gandhi, Patel, and Nehru strove to instill in the Indian people. The Jantar Mantar movement is a first step toward recovering India's identity as an ancient civilization still struggling to claim its rightful place among the community of nations.

The condition of minorities needs to be raised to the level of equal citizenship. The authoritarianism of the government needs to be undone, and we need to resume nation-building on a rational and scientific basis. The Jantar Mantar initiative is just the beginning — there is still a long way to go to restore the dreams of Gandhi and Ambedkar, Bhagat Singh and Subhash Bose, Maulana Azad and Sardar Patel. Wishing everyone a happy Independence Day.

---

*Political commentator