Skip to main content

Domestic vote-bank politics 'behind official solidarity' with Bangladeshi Hindus

By Sandeep Pandey, Faisal Khan 
The Indian government has registered a protest with Bangladesh over the mob lynching of two Hindus—Deepu Chandra Das in Mymensingh and Amrit Mandal in Rajbari. In its communication, the government cited a report by the Association of Hindus, Buddhists and Christian Unity Council, which claims that more than 2,900 incidents of killings, arson, and land encroachments targeting minorities have taken place since the interim government assumed power in Bangladesh. 
India has also advised Bangladesh to ensure inclusive elections, expressing concern that Sheikh Hasina, who has taken refuge in India, may not be allowed to participate. In the previous Bangladeshi elections, the second major political force, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party led by the late Khaleda Zia, boycotted the polls citing doubts over their free and fair conduct. At that time, India chose not to register any protest or reaction.
Meanwhile, on 17 December 2025, Ram Narayan Baghel, a labourer from Chhattisgarh, was mistaken for a Bangladeshi and lynched by a mob in Kerala’s Palakkad district. On 9 December, Angel Chakma, an MBA student from Tripura, was mistaken for a Chinese national and lynched to death in Dehradun. In reality, since the Modi government came to power in 2014, there has been a sharp increase in xenophobic and hate-based mob killings across India.
On 28 September 2015, 52-year-old Mohammad Akhlaq was lynched in Bisahda village near Dadri in Uttar Pradesh over allegations of slaughtering a calf. On 18 March 2016, so-called cow vigilantes killed 32-year-old Mazlum Ansari and 12-year-old Imtiyaz Khan in Latehar, Jharkhand, while they were transporting cattle; their bodies were hung from a tree. On 1 April 2017, Pehlu Khan, a 55-year-old dairy farmer from Nuh, Haryana, was killed in Alwar, Rajasthan, despite carrying official documents certifying the cattle as milch animals. On 29 June 2017, Alimuddin alias Asgar Ansari was beaten to death in Jharkhand on suspicion of possessing beef. On 10 November 2017, Ummar Khan was shot dead by cow vigilantes in Alwar.
On 13 June 2018, Sirabuddin Ansari (35) and Murtaza Ansari (30) were killed in Jharkhand’s Dullu area on allegations of cow theft. On 20 June 2018, 45-year-old Qasim was lynched in Hapur, Uttar Pradesh, following rumours of cow slaughter. On 20 July 2018, 31-year-old Rakbar Khan was lynched in Alwar on suspicion of cattle smuggling. On 11 April 2019, a Christian man was lynched to death in Gumla, Jharkhand. On 16 May 2019, in Bhaderwah, Jammu and Kashmir, 50-year-old Naeem Ahmad Shah was shot dead by cow vigilantes; his family later stated that he was not carrying any cattle at the time.
On 23 September 2019, a tribal man was killed in Khunti, Jharkhand, on suspicion of selling beef. On 16 April 2020, two sadhus and their driver were lynched in Palghar, Maharashtra, after being mistaken for thieves. On 4 June 2021, Mohammad Shera, a 50-year-old truck driver, was shot dead in Mathura on suspicion of cattle smuggling. On 12 June 2021, 28-year-old Sarat Moran was beaten to death in Assam’s Tinsukia district, and on 14 June 2021, Babu Bheel was lynched in Chittorgarh, Rajasthan. On 16 February 2023, Nasir (25) and Junaid (35) were killed in Bhiwani, Haryana. On 10 June 2023, Lukman Ansari (23) was lynched in Nashik, Maharashtra.
In August 2024, several such incidents took place: Aryan Mishra, a Class XII student, was killed in Faridabad after being mistaken for a Muslim; Sabir Malik, a migrant worker from West Bengal, was killed in Charkhi Dadri on suspicion of consuming beef; and 72-year-old Haji Ashraf Munyar was killed in a train in Igatpuri, Maharashtra, over similar suspicions. On 11 August 2025, Suleman Khan Pathan was killed by his own Hindu friends in Jamner, Maharashtra, for visiting a café with a Hindu woman. On 5 December 2025, Mohammad Athar Hussain, a 55-year-old cloth vendor in Nawada, Bihar, was brutally tortured merely for being Muslim and later died in hospital. In similar ways, hundreds of Indian citizens have fallen victim to hate violence. Recently, vandalism by right-wing groups during Christmas celebrations was reported across several parts of India, even as the Prime Minister was visiting a church. Was he unaware of these incidents?
These events compel us to ask: what kind of society are we building? Since Narendra Modi and Amit Shah came to power, a politics of hatred against Muslims and Christians has been systematically promoted for electoral polarisation, emboldening violent majoritarian tendencies. Over the past few years, the narrative of “intruders” has also been aggressively pushed. We have reached a point where a labourer from Chhattisgarh in Kerala or a student from Tripura in Dehradun is seen as an outsider. How many more lives will be lost to sustain a politics that claims nationalism while thriving on exclusion and fear?
The demolition of settlements of so-called “Bangladeshis,” forcible pushbacks without proper inquiry, and even the mistaken deportation of a pregnant Indian woman—later reversed by a Supreme Court order—were bound to provoke reactions across the border. Narendra Modi once justified the 2002 Gujarat violence as “reaction to action.”
Is it surprising, then, that when mosques are destroyed in India, temples are targeted in Pakistan and Bangladesh? If Muslims and other minorities are subjected to communal violence in India, how can Hindus in neighbouring countries remain unaffected?
Some may argue that minorities have faced persecution in Pakistan and Bangladesh long before such violence escalated in India. But if we view those injustices as wrong, should our response be to replicate them here, or to offer an example of communal harmony that might, over time, exert a sobering influence beyond our borders?
If we genuinely want Hindus to live safely in Bangladesh, and if official expressions of solidarity are not merely aimed at appeasing a domestic vote bank, then violence against minorities in India must stop. There is no alternative. 
As long as Muslims and Christians continue to face communal attacks here, what moral authority do we have to demand protection for minorities elsewhere? If we want Deepu Chandra Das and Amrit Mandal to be safe in Bangladesh, we must first ensure the safety of Pehlu Khan and Mohammad Athar Hussain in India.
---
Sandeep Pandey is Secretary General of the Socialist Party (India). Faisal Khan is Convenor of the Hindu-Muslim Ekta Samiti of SP(I) and revived the Khudai Khidmatgar movement in India

Comments

TRENDING

NYT: RSS 'infiltrates' institutions, 'drives' religious divide under Modi's leadership

By Jag Jivan   A comprehensive New York Times investigation published on December 26, 2025, chronicles the rise of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) — characterized as a far-right Hindu nationalist organization — from a shadowy group founded in 1925 to the world's largest right-wing force, marking its centenary in 2025 with unprecedented influence and mainstream acceptance. Prime Minister Narendra Modi , who joined the RSS as a young boy and later became a full-time campaigner before being deputized to its political wing in the 1980s, delivered his strongest public tribute to the group in his August 2025 Independence Day address. Speaking from the Red Fort , he called the RSS a "giant river" with dozens of streams touching every aspect of Indian life, praising its "service, dedication, organization, and unmatched discipline." The report describes how the RSS has deeply infiltrated India's institutions — government, courts, police, media, and academia — ...

Why experts say replacing MGNREGA could undo two decades of rural empowerment

By A Representative   A group of scientists, academics, civil society organisations and field practitioners from India and abroad has issued an open letter urging the Union government to reconsider the repeal of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and to withdraw the newly enacted Viksit Bharat–Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025. The letter, dated December 27, 2025, comes days after the VB–G RAM G Bill was introduced in the Lok Sabha on December 16 and subsequently approved by both Houses of Parliament, formally replacing the two-decade-old employment guarantee law.

Investment in rule of law a corporate imperative, not charity: Business, civil society leaders

By A Representative   In a compelling town hall discussion hosted at L.J School of Law , prominent voices from industry and civil society underscored that corporate investment in strengthening the rule of law is not an act of charity but a critical business strategy for building a safer, stronger, and developed India by 2047. The dialogue, part of the Unmute podcast series, examined the intrinsic link between ethical business conduct , robust legal frameworks, and sustainable national development, against the sobering backdrop of India ranking 79th out of 142 countries on the global Rule of Law Index .

ArcelorMittal faces global scrutiny for retreat from green steel, job cuts, and environmental violations

By  Jag Jivan    ArcelorMittal is facing mounting criticism after cancelling or delaying nearly all of its major green steel projects across Europe, citing an “unsupportive policy environment” from the European Union . The company has shelved projects in Germany , Belgium , and France , while leaving the future of its Spanish decarbonisation plan uncertain. The decision comes as global unions warn that more than 5,500 jobs are at risk across its operations, including 4,000 in South Africa , 1,400 in Europe, and 160 in Canada .

From colonial mercantilism to Hindutva: New book on the making of power in Gujarat

By Rajiv Shah  Professor Ghanshyam Shah ’s latest book, “ Caste-Class Hegemony and State Power: A Study of Gujarat Politics ”, published by Routledge , is penned by one of Gujarat ’s most respected chroniclers, drawing on decades of fieldwork in the state. It seeks to dissect how caste and class factors overlap to perpetuate the hegemony of upper strata in an ostensibly democratic polity. The book probes the dominance of two main political parties in Gujarat—the Indian National Congress and the BJP—arguing that both have sustained capitalist growth while reinforcing Brahmanic hierarchies.

2025 was not just a bad year—it was a moral failure, it normalised crisis

By Atanu Roy*  The clock has struck midnight. 2025 has passed, and 2026 has arrived. Firecrackers were already bursting in celebration. If this is merely a ritual, like Deepavali, there is little to comment on. Otherwise, I find 2025 to have been a dismal year, weighed down by relentless odds—perhaps the worst year I have personally witnessed.

Gig workers’ strike halts platforms, union submits demands to Labour Ministry

By A Representative   India’s gig economy witnessed an partial disruption on December 31, 2025, as a large number of delivery workers, app-based service providers, and freelancers across the country participated in a nationwide strike called by the Gig & Platform Service Workers Union (GIPSWU). The strike, which followed days of coordinated protests, shut down major platforms including Zomato , Swiggy , Blinkit , Zepto , Flipkart , and BigBasket in several areas.

Can global labour demand absorb India’s growing workforce?

By N.S. Venkataraman*  Over the past eleven years, India has claimed significant economic growth , emerging as the world’s fourth-largest economy. With the Government of India continuing to pursue economic and industrial development initiatives, this growth momentum is expected to continue in the medium term.