Dr. Narasimha Reddy Donthi, a noted public policy expert and public interest campaigner, in a detailed critical analysis of two Bills introduced in Parliament in April 2026—the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026 and the Delimitation Bill, 2026, has warned that the twin bills "raise significant constitutional, political and methodological concerns — most critically, a structural inconsistency in the census basis used for Parliament versus State Assemblies, and an over-reliance on population as the sole parameter for delimitation."
According to Dr. Donthi, these two Bills "form an inseparable legislative package designed to fundamentally reshape India's electoral architecture." The 131st Amendment removes the constitutional barrier that has frozen parliamentary seat allocation since 1971, while the Delimitation Bill provides the mechanism to redraw every constituency in the country. Together, they also operationalise the long-pending one-third women's reservation in Parliament and State Assemblies mandated by the 106th Amendment (2023).
However, Dr. Donthi identifies the census inconsistency as "the most fundamental structural flaw" in the entire legislative package. Under the proposed framework, Lok Sabha delimitation can proceed using the latest published census—effectively the 2011 census, or whenever the delayed census is published—whereas State Assembly delimitation must await the first census after 2026.
He argues that this bifurcation creates serious problems, as a voter's representation in Parliament will be calculated on a different demographic base than their representation in the State Assembly, violating the constitutional principle that every Assembly constituency must fall wholly within one Parliamentary constituency.
He further notes that women's reservation, if activated for Lok Sabha before State Assemblies are delimited, will mean women Members of Parliament represent constituencies drawn on 2011 data while women MLAs represent constituencies drawn on a later census—a structural asymmetry with no precedent in Indian constitutional history.
Regarding the use of population as the sole parameter for delimitation, Dr. Donthi characterises this as "a significant methodological limitation," arguing that a mature democracy's electoral geography should account for a much broader set of indicators, including registered voters, geographic area weighting for remote and tribal regions, and development indices for underserved areas.
Regarding the use of population as the sole parameter for delimitation, Dr. Donthi characterises this as "a significant methodological limitation," arguing that a mature democracy's electoral geography should account for a much broader set of indicators, including registered voters, geographic area weighting for remote and tribal regions, and development indices for underserved areas.
The specific problem with using 2011 census data, he notes, is that India has experienced massive rural-to-urban migration in the intervening years, meaning urban constituencies will appear under-represented on paper while rural constituencies appear over-represented. The census snapshot, he writes, does not capture the reality of where people actually live and participate democratically.
Dr. Donthi describes the north-south dimension of these Bills as "the most politically explosive dimension of the package." Southern states—Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Telangana—achieved demographic transition through family planning, urbanisation, and women's education, resulting in slower population growth than northern states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh.
Dr. Donthi describes the north-south dimension of these Bills as "the most politically explosive dimension of the package." Southern states—Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Telangana—achieved demographic transition through family planning, urbanisation, and women's education, resulting in slower population growth than northern states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh.
He states that under pure population-based delimitation, this success would be penalised through reduced relative representation, and that the 1971 freeze was the constitutional protection originally negotiated for this outcome. Removing it without any compensatory mechanism, he notes, has already drawn strong opposition from southern state governments and political parties.
Dr. Donthi further warns that while southern states may lose proportionate share of Lok Sabha seats, they are likely to lose Rajya Sabha seats as well through changes in state legislature seats, and also SC/ST reservation seats. On urban-rural shifts, he observes that cities end up having more seats in both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, while rural and hinterland representation depletes.
On the subject of women's reservation, Dr. Donthi notes that it can happen only after 2032 and can be limited to 15 years, after which Parliament will have to decide again. The reservation is not in perpetuity, and the rotation of reserved constituencies every election is also too frequent.
On the subject of women's reservation, Dr. Donthi notes that it can happen only after 2032 and can be limited to 15 years, after which Parliament will have to decide again. The reservation is not in perpetuity, and the rotation of reserved constituencies every election is also too frequent.
He explains that the reservation operates by rotation, meaning no constituency will have a woman candidate in consecutive elections, which reduces the ability of women representatives to build constituency relationships and institutional continuity. According to him, if women's reservation begins only in 2031 and the 15-year sunset provision expires in 2038, Parliament will have fewer than two full general election cycles under mandatory reservation before it must affirmatively renew the provision or allow it to lapse. A reform intended as a durable structural change to gender representation, he warns, will instead operate within a compressed and politically vulnerable window.
Dr. Donthi also raises serious concerns about the composition of the Delimitation Commission itself. The Bill prescribes the Commission as consisting of election commissioners and political representatives from states, with no mandate for demographic, sociological, or social science expertise.
Dr. Donthi also raises serious concerns about the composition of the Delimitation Commission itself. The Bill prescribes the Commission as consisting of election commissioners and political representatives from states, with no mandate for demographic, sociological, or social science expertise.
He calls this a structural inconsistency of the first order, noting that a delimitation commission without experts in demography, sociology and census is problematic, especially since its mandate includes constitutional provisions and it is not itself a constitutional body.
Without independent demographic expertise, he argues, the Commission cannot adequately evaluate whether its constituency boundaries preserve or dilute the social cohesion of SC, ST, OBC, linguistic minority, or tribal populations. This is not a technicality, he insists—it is the difference between boundaries that serve communities and boundaries that serve parties.
Dr. Donthi further highlights a critical data deficiency: the absence of caste data in the 2011 Census. The Census recorded SC and ST populations but did not enumerate OBC or other caste-specific counts, meaning any delimitation proceeding on 2011 data lacks the granular caste geography necessary to determine whether SC/ST reservation placements actually protect those communities' representation in substance, or merely satisfy a formal numerical requirement on paper.
Dr. Donthi further highlights a critical data deficiency: the absence of caste data in the 2011 Census. The Census recorded SC and ST populations but did not enumerate OBC or other caste-specific counts, meaning any delimitation proceeding on 2011 data lacks the granular caste geography necessary to determine whether SC/ST reservation placements actually protect those communities' representation in substance, or merely satisfy a formal numerical requirement on paper.
The net effect of the expansion of Lok Sabha seats to a maximum of 815 from states, combined with the absence of caste census data, he concludes, is a foreseeable dent in SC/ST reservation effectiveness—even if the headline reservation percentages are nominally preserved.
Regarding central government control and judicial review, Dr. Donthi identifies a structural accountability gap, as the Chairperson of the Commission is appointed by the Central Government with no consultative requirement involving the opposition or judiciary collegium, and final orders, once published, cannot be challenged in any court. Combining executive appointment power with judicial insulation, he warns, creates a structural accountability gap.
Regarding central government control and judicial review, Dr. Donthi identifies a structural accountability gap, as the Chairperson of the Commission is appointed by the Central Government with no consultative requirement involving the opposition or judiciary collegium, and final orders, once published, cannot be challenged in any court. Combining executive appointment power with judicial insulation, he warns, creates a structural accountability gap.
He further notes that the amendments to Articles 81 and 82 represent a structural downgrade, whereby provisions that were formerly entrenched as constitutional protections—requiring a two-thirds majority and state ratification to alter—are effectively reduced to ordinary parliamentary acts, amendable by simple majority. The democratic consequences of making representation itself subject to parliamentary majorities, he states, are profound, and the Bills offer no safeguard against politically motivated seat manipulation in future census or electoral cycles.
Dr. Donthi concludes his analysis with several key recommendations:
Dr. Donthi concludes his analysis with several key recommendations:
- Parliament should resolve the census inconsistency by using the same census basis for both Lok Sabha and State Assemblies, or provide a clear constitutional rationale for the differential treatment.
- It should broaden the delimitation criteria beyond population to include registered voter data, geographic area weighting for remote regions, and development indices for underserved areas.
- It should protect southern states through a compensatory mechanism—whether a minimum seat floor, a weighted formula, or a transitional grandfather provision—to prevent the north-south political fracture from deepening into a constitutional crisis, noting that the present Bills offer nothing in this regard.
- It should strengthen Commission independence through a collegium or consultative mechanism for appointments, and it should reconsider the rotation mechanism for women's reservation, perhaps allowing reservation every two terms or with exceptions for incumbents who wish to contest.
As Dr. Donthi firmly states, these Bills require careful attention and correction before they are passed.
Comments