When a US Tomahawk missile struck a school in the city of Minab in Iran, killing 175 students and teachers, the United States initially claimed the attack had been carried out by Iran. It later acknowledged that a Tomahawk missile—one not possessed by Iran—had been used, calling the strike a “mistake”. Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, in a video address to the United Nations, described the attack as deliberate.
Developments since that first strike on February 28, 2026, suggest a possible pattern targeting Iran’s knowledge and cultural centres: universities have been hit, and several of Iran’s heritage sites—including mosques and palaces among the roughly 30 listed by UNESCO—have reportedly suffered damage. More than 600 schools, Araghchi said, were attacked in the month following the initial strike.
The actions of the countries involved appear aimed not merely at disabling military infrastructure but at undermining the foundations of Iran’s knowledge systems and cultural heritage.
While the United States and Israel have physically targeted sites in Iran, the government led by Narendra Modi is portrayed as reshaping India’s educational and cultural landscape through policy measures, recruitment patterns, and funding changes. There has been an increasing induction of individuals perceived to be aligned with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh into higher education institutions, alongside reductions in direct public funding. Grants from the Union government are increasingly structured as loans, leaving institutions under financial strain.
A broader rightward shift in politics has been described as narrowing space for critical academic inquiry. Observers argue that this has led to efforts to promote individuals with ideological alignment to positions of influence in academia, as well as the expansion of schools run by organisations linked to the Sangh Parivar.
Academic Sayan Dey, author of Garbocracy, has argued that visible issues such as mounting plastic waste in Indian cities reflect deeper socio-cultural shifts. At the same time, there has been significant investment in digital initiatives even as large numbers of teaching posts remain vacant—over 13,000 positions in Kendriya and Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas reportedly unfilled—leading to increased reliance on contractual teachers.
Changes to school textbooks have also drawn attention, with references to Mughal Empire rulers and discussions on the caste system reportedly reduced, raising concerns about how historical knowledge is presented to students.
Concerns have also been raised about the management of publicly funded research and technology. A recent parliamentary panel report indicated that technology developed under the Department of Space was being transferred to private entities at low cost, raising questions about the loss of public assets and potential implications for national security.
Under the National Education Policy 2020, undergraduate programmes were extended to four years, with multiple exit options built into the system. Critics argue that this could create uncertainty in the job market and increase dropout rates. Implementation challenges have also emerged, with students entering the fourth year in some institutions reportedly facing inadequate infrastructure. Despite limited uptake of the extended programme, there has been little comprehensive reassessment of the policy change.
The government has also opened the conservation of more than 3,000 protected monuments to private participation. While the Archaeological Survey of India continues to oversee conservation, private agencies may now undertake restoration work.
In this framing, while military action has been used abroad to damage knowledge infrastructure, policy-driven changes at home are depicted as reshaping India’s educational and cultural institutions in ways that critics argue could have long-term consequences.
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*Freelance journalist
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